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_Daily Report— 

West Europe 

25 J 

Daily Report 
West Europe 

FBIS-WEU-93-12] CONTENTS 25 June 1993 

NOTICE TO READERS: An * indicates material not disseminated in electronic form. 


Article: Britain “Gets It Right’ at EC Summit /THE DAILY TELEGRAPH 24 Jum] 200000.00.000.000000000000..... | 
Commentary: ‘Positive Elements’ in Summit Jobs Plan /THE EUROPEAN 24-27 Jum] .0....00.000000000--. 2 
Major: Nigeria “Gravely Mistaken’ to Annul Election /PRESS ASSOCIATION] 2.0..0....0..0...c0c0ce000000- ee - 

‘Punitive Measures’ Announced /PRESS ASSOCIATION] | ............c0cccccssveevseessersneeeeeereeeeseeeereneeeeees 3 
Kurds Arrested Following Attack on London Bank /PRESS ASSOCIATION] o....0..0..0.ccc0cc00c0ceeseveeeevevens 3 


Schaeuble Calls On SPD To End Somalia Dispute [DPA] .00.........c.cccccccccsecesseesseeeseensenerenreeeneneneneeeeeenenens 4 

Te 4 

Schaeuble, Verheugen Statements /Cologne Radio] ..........0.0....cccccccceseeeeseeeeseevseessevseveseeneeenneeeeseneeres 4 
Press Views Court Ruling on Somalia [Cologne Radio] ..............ccsceessessereeeeerseevenesersesneanennennenneennenenenes 5 
Kurdish Hostage- Takers Surrender i MumtcR [DPA] .........ccccccccccsseccccssscessesosssesossssnssesssessssssesssssssosssecesees 5 

SEE CET GEED WEED §=ETITEEET cosnsnsccnccncinenscssqnecoevesotnssebesnsensseeanensescoscnees seueneuseussecenncssecunsseneceus a 5) 
Kinkel Condemns Attacks on Turkish Facilities /DPAJ  .............cccccccccecsessseesssneeesneersennsenenesnsenenseneereneeneens 6 

Sesters Also Condemns Violence [DIDI] ..........scccccccccccesssssesscsssevcsscesescscesersocesecossesoecssosssossosesssecesooesees 6 
Turkish Envoy Wants Anti-PKK Measures [DDPJ oo.000.........cccccccseesececeeeensnneennnnes snuSSOAAESORERNESOGRNOINNNGniS . 6 
Press Views Kurdish Attacks /Cologme Radio] o.......0..0.... ssunesounieuesonnduesibesabsesemmuseussieetsvseecanenens 6 
Minister Assails U.S. Duties on Steel Imports (DPAJ oo.coocvvvvceceeeeeceeesseeeeneeseeeevevevereeseeevseeecereees 7 
Commentary Criticizes Delors’s EC Speech /SCEDDEU TSCHE ZEITUNG 23 GEE secrtcernstsenneneens 7 
Hungary's Antall Meets Kohl in Bonn /Budapest MTT) oo cvcccccccecceccceecesseeeesesssseeeeeeneeereeereeneeres ® 

Talks With Shevardnadze, Kinkel /Budapest Radio! iueeuonsisineuasenactusgusension susesysanasauueneesnarseneneens 9 

Support at EC Assured /DPA/ ...... SineaCeeeD Tt 

Asks for Financial, Technical Aid /Budapest MT’ sepestesauesessenaninebetbinnsemensens ace ot 
Shevardnadze, Kohl Sign Cooperation Pact (2PAf vcccekeveeeseseneseesesesveneeevenssseseeeeeereeseees . 9 
Cubans Tell Hamburg Chamber of Integration Need ,/ RANAFL RTER ALLGEMEINE 24 Jun] . 10 
Nigeria Warned of ‘Consequences’ After Vote Annulment /DP4/ sensebeueteeucesssequassensessnunsesteecsesseebbaneets 10 
EE SED ES UID TIEIIIND CRIN EAIO §©AEDUFEET  accoconccounecesrnssosesesscnscsessccbusncsenosennnsosneretscsdensesiionsseesessncsoe 10 
Issing: Stability Vital for Long-Term Investment /HANDELSBLATT M Jun] . ee | 
Shipping Privatization Problems Viewed /FRANAFURTER ALLGEMEINE 7 Jun]. ee | 
Shipbuilders Decry Eastern Competition /FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE 7 Jun] .. menenecnenencne Ba 
Berlin's Eastern Skinheads, Rightists Viewed /FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE 8 Jun}. Ef 
East's Police Funding Increase Need Seen /HANDELSBLATT 9 Jun] ....... tesecssescseesee 14 
FDP Presidential Candidacy Problems Assessed /FRANKFURTER ALL GEMEINE 15 Jun} .. ieaposassonsneuans 15 


Mitterrand Hits EC Delays Over Bosnian Safe Areas /LE MONDE 24 Jun] oo...ccccc cere . (WW 

Mitterrand Criticism of EC Policy Viewed /LE MONDE 24 Jun coco. ccccccccccccscseereees snes OF 
Paris To Support Congolese President's Prime Minister /Parts International] ....0.......0606000006 oe =18 
Attack Ends ~ Turkey's Consulate in Marseille /Paris RIO] .........cccccccccccesseeseeesceerensereeees sesueseunteuness 18 
Fishermen Step Up Actions Against Non-EC Imports [AFP] o..........ccccccccccessseecssseeeeeeseenennereeeereneecnenennsees 18 
Balladur Urged to Accept Debate on Policy /LE FIGARO 23 Jun] oocccccccccccccccecccceecesereercersserseennnens sameeren 19 
Seguin Remarks Evoke ‘Criticism,’ ‘Embarrassment’ {LE MONDE 19 Jun] ......0...000c6000ceoes .. 20 
Minister Defends Amended Nationality Provisions /LE MONDE 19 Jun] ..........c6666000000 ‘oon aascenees: ae 
Social Affairs Minister Warns Against ‘Xenophobia’ /LE MONDE 22 Jun] oo.ccccccccccccecceccevseervens heen 22 
Two Ministers Challenge New Immigration Bill /LE MONDE 22 Jun] oooc.cccccccccccceccccceseerreevens eniaaneeeeins 22 
National Assembly Passes Nationality Code Reform /Paris Radio] ceveeeeeevens a w. 23 

Sea-Travel to Corsica Resumes as Strike Ends [AFP] ..........cccccccccceseeseesseeeeeeeneneeeeeneseneeseenseeeneneeeeecenrenennns 23 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 2 West Europe 


Defense, Foreign Ministers Urge Review of Somalia Situation (JL GIORNALE 24 Jun] .............. aslenssons 24 
Military Requests Major Role in UNOSOM-IL /PANORAMA 27 Fam] ooo cocccccecccccccecneee eevee eee 24 
Deputies Pass Amendments To Reform Bill /L.4 REPUBBLICA 23 Ftam] oooccccccccccccccccccccccecceeeeeee veer wee 29D 
Martinazzohi Weighs DC Election Defeat /L4 REPUBBLICA 23 Diam] ooooccccccccccccccccccccceececeeeeeveevevenvee . 26 
Martinazzoli Views Party's Future /L UNIT A 23 Ita) ooo ccccccccccvccccccceceeeenceneeevevereeevereeeee wae 27 
DC Regional Head Secks “New Political Formation’ of Party /LA4A REPL BBLICA 23 Jun] Ee . | 
DC's D'Onofrio Views Future of Divided Party [JL GIORNALE 23 Diam] oooocccccccccccccccccccecceneevceeeeevenevvees 29 
Conference Will Plan DC's Future as ‘People’s Center’ [JL GIORNALE 24 Jum] o0..0.0......2ccccccccccceeeeneees Ww 
Northern League’s Umberto on Poll Implications /LOUNITA 22 Ftamp oocooccccccccccccccecseneeenes seuendebesmroedeuen Ww 
Negotiations With US. on Azores Base Examined /Lishon International) . seseceessessersssseseess DO 
Minister Nogucira on Defense Options, Actions Abroad /DIARIO DE NOTICIAS 4 Jun] sececsessesseesseeeese DO 
Public ‘Divided’ Over UN Bosnia Intervention (PA 18 Ftamp ococvosseeneeeeees Loo eeeeeeeeeees 44 
Defense Minister on Avoiding Risky Areas in Bosnia /Madrid Inte rnational) sehecuensgnebsmesensesseunensi 35 
Defense Minister Meets With Czech Counterpart in Madnd = /Prague CTAJ 00000... 3§ 
United Left Pact With PSOE, Nationalists ‘Unlikely’ /YA 17 Jun/ jesenseenensoenenns oe SBS 
High Court Sentences ETA ‘Accomplice’ to 1,311 Years (Madrid Radio} o..0....00......00000600600000000--. | 
Paper Cites ‘Impotence’ of EC Copenhagen Summit /DET FRI AATUELT 23 Jun] .......... 7 
EC Seen in ‘Disarray’ on Bosnia, Economic Policy /BERLINGSAE TIDENDE 23 Jun] 7 
Daily on ‘Disappointing’ Summit Stance on Bosnia /BERLINGSAE TIDENDE 23) |... —_ 38 
Trade Balance Shows Record Surplus ///elsinki Radio] ..... eabnaesersienss Ww 
Statistics Reveal Overall Output Continues To Fall /He Isinks Radio) . W 
* Long-Term Unemployment Among Europe's Worst /MELSINGIN S {NOMAT 2s May) | WwW 

Results of EC Copenhagen Summit Viewed /DIGENS NYHETER 23 Jun} 0000... 4) 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

Article: Britain "Gets It Right’ at EC Summit 

PA12406 142493 London THE DAILY TELEGRAPH in 
English 24 Jun 93 p 20 

{Article by Boris Johnson: “Britain Gets It Right: But 
Let's Not Count Our Chickens”] 

[Text] It was impossible not to feel sorry for M [Mon- 
sieur}] Jacques Delors. Two shots of morphine were 
necessary before the EC commission president could 
make his presentation on the European economy at the 
Copenhagen summit, and as he left the final press 
conference, the sciatic nerve was so painful he was bent 
double, like a beggar beneath a sack. 

It). as as if he carried the burden of the summit’s failure, 
after he was initially charged with its success. Despite 
everything, Delors 1s still credited with almost supernat- 
ural powers. The Danish presidency had faith that they 
could put him before the leaders, let him talk for an hour 
on the economy, and the old Delors magic would return. 

It was, of course, an illusion. To unite Europe this week 
was beyond the capabilities even of this remarkable 
Frenchman. Britain was never going to agree his plan 
(“Classic Delors',” exclaimed one spokesman) to recive 
the EC economy with 33 billion pounds of EC spending 
on fibre-optic widgets and high-definition sprockets, not 
to mention “learning to keep learning all our lives”. 

The leaders were deeply at variance. France's President 
Mitterrand once again repudiated the logic of free trade, 
and ominously, the French were building up a claque 
among the Spanish and Portuguese. Most important of 
all, Germany's Chancellor Kohl refused to lower interest 
rates, giving the stock. too-glib response that the Bundes- 
bank was outside his basliwack. 

Agreeing on the problem, not the cures, the summit 
exuded a mood of exhaustion and listlessness. It 1s a 
truism that the leaders, especially Mitterrand, Kohl and 
Delors, have been dominant at these occasions for too 
long. As one very senor official told me, fiercely blaming 
the dnip-drip-drip attacks ~f Euro-sceptics in Britain and 
elsewhere, they have lost the “moral authority”. That 1s 
one way of putting it. Others might say they had squan- 
dered public confidence. so high 1n the late 1980s, in the 
European dream. And in a limited sense, the travails of 
these Community titans are good news for John Major 
and his Tory supporters 

The balance sheet of Copenhagen 1s positive for the 
Government. Caution and general Britishness have been 
vindicated, and on a number of points Mr Major could 
not resist an understandable temptation to say “I told 
you so”. “Right from the start I have claimed the Social 
Charter was a job destruction programme”... have had 
a great deal of reservation about the timetable for 
monetary umon”, he said. 

Quite so. The deepening European recession has indeed 
forced governments to re-examine wage and non-wage 
costs. No one 1s any longer convinced that the single 


currency 1S attainable by the 1997 deadline, or even 
1999. Across the field of EC activity, Britain can genu- 
inely claim satisfaction. Enlargement ts unstoppable 
bringing, the prospect of expansion to 20 countnes 
Subsidiarity’s pruning-hook 1s at work in the commis- 
sion. As a result of Copenhagen, a few extra tonnes, at 
least, of pickled gherkins, shoes, steel and other goods 
will be imported every year from castern Europe. Above 
all, as Mr Hurd likes to point out, the high old days of a 
super-confident bureaucracy dreaming up new pan- 
European legislation in their baths are gone. The torrent 
of directives has dried to a trickle. 

And yet it ts not good for Britain to be seen to be the 
politica) beneficiacy of Europe's malaise. British officials 
in Brussels even went so far as to warn the Pome 
Minister not to be too tnumphalist at Copenhagen 
British crowing always puts backs up on the Continent, 
they argued, and 11 gives hostages to fortune. For one day 
mainland Europe's economy will recover, and so too will 
the European dream. For 35 years, gocs one argument 
the federalist tide has ebbed and Nowed with economic 
confidence. But at the end of cach cyvcle—certainly mn the 
Seventies and Eixghties—the high water mark has been 
higher than before. 

Out of the shocks of the carly Seventies was born the 
Exchange Rate Mechanism, out of the recession of the 
early Eighties was born the Single Market) There 1s no 
reason to suppose the same patter of ebb and flow will 
not happen in t® + 1990s as well). Maybe. just maybe, if 
Germany 1s starting to boom again in the middle to late 
1990s, the case for monetary union will be made more 
sirongly. It wall be no policy, then, to exult mn sulbsidiar- 
ity, to whistle over how Jacques Delors got 1 wrong on 
the Social Dimension. By that time, Britain might still 
regard monetary union as an error But, in difficuls 
negotiations, it will need a more outwardly constructive 

The EC failed in Yugoslavia, tragically and perhaps 
predictably. That made it an object of mockery for the 
Euro-sceptics, and, incidentally, greatly strengthened the 
British Government's hand in its dealings with the 
federalists. But 1t was hardly desirable that the FC should 
have come to grief in the Balkans. With the UN finan. 
cially broke, and with the Amencan commitment to 
Europe less than wholchearted, a strong we stern Europe 
iS Necessary as never before 

Again, the EC's Single Market has failed to generate 
anything like the five million jobs that were predicted, 
and, incidentally, the economic crisis has greatly 
strengthened Mr Mayor's proposition that labour costs 
were out of control, and the Social Charter a mistake 
But that hardly made the European recession desirable 
Mr Major and Mr Hurd are fundamentally pro-t 

More than ever, they regard it as the mght means for 
Britain to express itself on the world stage, both com 
mercially and politically 


But the EC will never have the self-confidence for the 
tasks even Britain supports unless 11 recovers its “moral 
authority”, and it will do that only if it reforms itself. 
The popular revolts of 1992—the Danish and French 
referendums—have been seen as a reyection of the Brus- 
sels bureaucracy, the Commission. In fact, the whole 
institutional structure is at fault. 

The EC has aroused deep suspicions across Europe 
because of a systemic contradiction. It legislates with all 
the exactitude of a federal government: and yet it follows 
the hugger-mugger rules of international diplomacy. The 
commission is not the major problem in Brussels. 
Rather, it is the secretive work of COREPER, the 
Committee of 12 permanent representatives to the EC 
such as Britain's Sir John Kerr. It is they, and the dozens 
of sub- committees, composed of delegates from national 
governments, meeting in Brussels, who fill out the details 
in secrecy. Mr Delors is charged, among his numerous 
briefs, with making Brussels more open. If he wants to 
restore the authority of the EC, he should start by 
creating openness. 

rae ‘Positive Elements’ in Summit Jobs 

PM 2406143893 London THE EUROPEAN in English 
24-27 Jun 93 p 8 

[Editorial: “The Jobs Challenge” 

[Text] One shaft of light to penetrate the storm clouds at 
Copenhagen was the clear recognition by EC leaders of 
the gravity of Europe's jobs crisis. They are, at last, 
recognising the unpalatable truth that Europe's labour 
market is not working efficiently enough; too many 
companies just cannot compete in international markets. 
No wonder EC unemployment is set to rise to 20 million. 

There are positive elements in the recovery plan pro- 
posed by EC President Jacques Delors, who displayed 
physical bravery in defying his painful back problem. 
His readiness to resist growing French protectionism and 
commitment to education reform and greater invest- 
ment in research and development and new technology 
could benefit the Community. 

But he 1s offering, once again, a grand design. Measures 
are required which will have a more immediate impact 
and enable Europe to match the record of the Urited 
States, which created 29 million jobs between 1°70 and 
1990 compared with only nine million in the European 

The challenge is to find ways of reducing labour costs, 
both direct and indirect, without causing the political 
upheaval which would follow the sudden removal of 
social benefits. There are many ways to do this. Mea- 
sures need to be taken by national governments but the 
Commission can play an important role both in pre- 
senting ideas and taking the lead in specific sectors. 

25 June 1993 

National government should reconsider them present (en- 
dency to respond to demands for corporate tax breaks by 
introducing capital allowances. These encouraee investment 
but give little incentive to taking on new staff. 

A more effective way of generating jobs 1s to charge 
companies a lower rate of payroll taxes or a limited 
period for any new staff they take on. Another would be 
to consider following the Australian example of giving 
tax incentives to workers who take a wage inctcase lower 
than an agreed percentage. 

The Commission should play its part imuitially by 
delaying the introduction of any directives consequert 
on the Social Chapter until the recession is over. It 
should also re-examine health, safety and environmental 
directives to see whether these measures are absolutely 
necessary. Many companies, for example, belreve that 
some fire regulations are too restrictive. If these can be 
amended without compromising people's safety, this 
should be done. 

Brussels should cajole European governments into 
deregulating sectors - uch as air fares and telecommunt- 
cations in the expectation that more competition would 
reduce costs. It could encourage governments to take a 
more co-ordinated approach to inward investment, 
including possibly an agreement for standard tax advan- 
tages for foreign companies setting up in Europe 

These measures will not resolve Europe's yobs crisis at a 
stroke but they will provide work today and, 1 a fiercely 
competitive world, offer hope that redundancy need not 
be a life sentence to unemployment. What Europe's 
leaders have to find—and failed to find im Copen- 
hagen—is a way of giving businesses new incentives to 
grow rather than contract. Politicians do not create jobs. 
Their role 1s to nurture the climate in which businesses 
can work. 

Major: Nigeria ‘Gravely Mistaken’ to Annul 


LD2406192593 London PRESS ASSOCIATION in 
Erglish 18538 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[By PRESS ASSOCIATION parliamentary staff} 

[Text] The Prime Minister today condemned as “gravely 
mistaken” the move by Nigeria's military regime to 
annul election results. 

He told the Commons at question time that Britain had 
taken immediate measures and was consulting EC and 
other allies to see if further steps were neca J 

“I hope the Nigerian Government will take full account 
of the strength of international feeling and will recon- 
sider what | believe 1s a gravely mistaken decision” 

He deplored the regime's action, saying “We are as a 
result review ing our relations with Nigeria including new 
aid and have taken a number of immediate steps 

25 June 1993 

“We are withdrawing our military advisory team and 
will not provide mew military training forces. We have 
suspended the issue of visas to members of the Nieerian 
armed forces and the privileged treatment of visa appl:- 
cations by government officials.” 

‘Punitive Measures’ Announced 

LD2406131893 London PRESS ASSOCIATION in 
English 1231 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Britain today announced a package of punitive 
measures against Nigeria in protest at the abandonment 
of transition to democratic civilian rule in the West 
African state. 

The most serious measure 1s to review on a “case by case 
basis” all mew aid to Nigeria, currently worth 14.5 
million pounds annually. 

The Foreign Office also announced: 

—There will be no new military training courses for 
members of the Nigerian armed forces in the UK, and 
all offers of places are withdrawn. 

—The Government will suspend all assistance to the 
National War College in Lagos, and withdraw the 
British military advisory team. 

— Visas for members of the Nigerian armed forces, the 
National Guard and the Nigerian state security and 
intelligence services, and their dependants, will be 

—All other visa applications from officials of the federal 
government, state governments and the “Parastatals’- 
"“—organisations connmected to the government—will 
no longer receive special treatment. 

Britain is also consulting its EC partners and other allies, 
including the United States, on further possible measures. 

A statement issued in Londor said: “The decision to 
annul the recent elections should be reversed. Nigeria 
deserves better than a further period of unstable and 
undemocratic military rule.” 


Today's announcement follows the decision by the Nige- 
rian military regime to annul the results of the presiden- 
tial elections held on June 12, to suspend the National 
Electoral Commission, and to cancel the transition to 
democratic civilian rule which had been promised by the 
end of August. 

The Government also warned that the Nigerian decision 
was “bound to harm our fnendship” unless it was 

Most of Britain's aid to Nigeria is technical assistance, 
and it 1s understood today’s move falls short of a full 
freeze of aid. Some schemes in areas of Nigeria in 
desperate need are likely to continue. 

Earlier today Baroness Chalker, minister for Overseas 
Development, summoned the Nigerian High Commis- 
sioner to the Foreign Office. She expressed the Govern- 
ment’s concern at the decision to abandon the transition 
to democracy, and detailed the measures to be taken. He 
undertook to report back to his government. 

In Washington, the U.S. State Department has described 
the Nigerian military regime's decision as “outrageous”, 
and said it was reconsidering all aspects of relations with 
Nigeria including 22.8 million (about 15.5 million 
pounds) in aid. 

Kurds Arrested Following Attack on London Bank 

LD2406203093 London PRESS ASSOCIATION in 
English 2012 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Police today arrested 24 Kurdish militants, 
including | 1 women, who invaded a Turkish bank in the 
City of London as part of a wave of protests in Europe. 

A police spokesman said the demonstrators managed to 
force their way into the bank via a fire escape. A bank 
security guard suffered minor injuries and the demon- 
strators caused a “large amount” of damage, including 
throwing paint over furniture. They will be charged with 
criminal damage and public order offences, said the 


Kurdish militants demanding an end to “all combat 
action against the Kurdish population” seized hostages 
at consulates in Munich and Marseilles in a coordinated 
wave of attacks across Western Europe. 


Schaeuble Calls On SPD To End Somalia Dispute 

1.D2406113193 Hambure DPA in German 1042 GMT 
24 Jun 9? 

[Excerpt] Bonn (DPA)}—Wolfgang Schaeuble, chairman 
of the CDU/CSU [Christian Democratic Union/ 
Christian Social Union] Bundestag group, has appealed 
to the Social Democrats [Social Democratic Party, SPD], 
to end the dispute with the coalition after the Constitu- 
tional Court decision on the German mission in 
Somalia. Germany's ability to act on foreign policy had 
to be guaranteed so that 1t could make its contribution to 
a world with fewer wars, poverty, and suffering, Schae- 
uble said today at the Bundestag Somalia debate, which 
was convened at short notice. “If we refuse this contri- 
bution, then we are to blame,” the nmion [CDU/CSU] 
politician said. 

A solution to the political dispute 
had to be found in Bonn and : ” Karlsruhe, Schaeuble 
continued. Following the ruling the SPD now had to explic- 
itly take back its “irresponsible 2ccusation” that the Federal 
Government had violated the constitution. Any attempt by 
the SPD to turn the failure at the court into a success would 
only appear ridiculous: “This 1s like assuming the public are 
a bunch of fools, which just really can't be tolerated,” 
Schacuble said. [passage omitted] 

about foreign missions 

SPD Leadership Maintains Stance 

L.D2406150693 Hambure DPA in German 1405 GMT 
24 Jun 93 

[Excerpt] Essen (DPA)—The Social Democratic Party 
ISPD] Bundestag group should not agree to the 
Bundeswehr Somalia missicn at the debate in the Bund- 
estag next week. This recommendation was made by the 
party presidium in Essen today. The SPD wanted to 
ensure that the Bundeswehr would be able to take part in 
United Nations Blue Helmet missions in the future, but 
it could not be allowed to be an “international interven- 
tron army,” party spokesman Cornele Sonntag said 
describing the SPD leadership's position on the eve of 
the SPD special party conference. [passage omitted] 

Schaeuble, Verheugen Statements 

AU 2406131793 Cologne Deutschlandfunk Network in 
German 1100 GMT 24 Jun 93 

{Alfred Schroeder report from Bonn] 

[Text] Foilowing the ruling of the Federal Constitutional 
Court in Karlsruhe on the Bundeswehr mission in 
Somalia, the government coalition parties have brought 
in a motion in the Bundestag. which will be put to the 
vote in a second and third reading on 2 July. 

It became clear in the course of the debate, which was 
called at short notice, that the Social Democratic Party 
[SPD] opposition does not call for a Somalia law, and 
that the coalition parties are certain they will get the 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

necessary majority for their mowon that German sol- 
diers can be dispatched to Somalia. The debate was 
opened by Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social 
Union [CDU/CSU] Bundestag floor leader Wollgang 
Schaeuble, who stated 

[Begin Schaeuble recording} This vuling creates clarity 
for the Bundeswehr solders who arc on a difficult 
dangerous, and vital mission in Somalia, and who, in 
doing so, are entitled to support from the Bundestag and 
deserve our gratitude |applause), which | would like to 
express from this rostrum. [end recordir2!} 

Schaeuble added that the Bundeswehr was making a deeply 
humanitarian contnbution to mitigating further need and 
misery, famine and death. as part of a contingent from ¥) 
UN member states. Schacuble appealed to the Social Dem- 
ocrats to give their consent to this, and said 

[Begin Schacuble recording} At a time when there are 
too many conflicts, need, misery, famine, and death mm 
Europe and the world. and at 4 time when many 
dangers threaten us, too, the Germans must make ther 
contribution within the framework of the United 
Nations for a more peaceful and more secure future If 
we refuse to contribute our share we become guilty 
That is why the blockade of German foreign and 
security policy must be stopped) The impression of 
impotence and heiplessness of the Europeans toward 
the terrible war in the former Yugoslavia should not be 
continued any longer. [end recording! 

In this debate, which 1s still in progress but will be ending 
soon, Guenter Verheugen, parliamentary manager of the 
cepposition, spoke on behalf of the Social Democratic Party 
{SPD}. He adopted Schacuble’s words that the dispute 
showd be ended, but said that the SPD continues to hold the 
view that a military mission in Somalia ts unconstitutional 
Verheugen said on the current procedure 

[Begin Verheugen recording] Claris must be created 
now on what 1s and what is not permitied An opposition 
would violate its constitutional duties if ut fared to 
exsaust all political and legal opportenitics it has to 
prevent the government from carrying oul a policy that it 
considers unconstitutional applause] end recording} 

A possibility in this respect would be to deal with the 
entire complex in the Bundestag committees, which 
would have to clarify the following problems, among 
other things 

[Begin Verheugen recording) What militia ws om the 
region where the Bundeswehr is or will be deployed” 
What arms depots are theoe”’ Do they include heavy 
weapons’ Who controls these heavy weapons’ How does 
the United Nations intend to ect hold of such heavy 
weapons” All these are questrons that are of great mmpor- 
tance for answering the problem mentioned m vour 
motion. The committee deliberations are therefor 
important, and I am telling the federal government that 

25 June 1993 

we will insist that the Bundestag be continuous!s 
informed about the operation in Somalia, and that any 
changes in this mission require another Bundestag \ otc 
[end recording] 

Following this first reading of the motion, the respective 
committees will deal with the draft, as demanded by the 
judges of the Constitutional Court. The vote im the 
Bundestag, for which the so-called chancellor's majority 
of 332 votes 1s required, will probably be held on 2 July 
After that, the Bundestag will go into summer recess 

Press Views Court Ruling on Somalia 

AU 2506090593 Cologne Deutschlandtunk Network in 
German OSOS GMT 24 Jun 93 

[From the press review] 

jText] The German press today comments on yester- 
day's ruling by the Constitutional Court on the pariici- 
pation of the Bundeswehr in the Somalia mission 

DIE WELT writes: What the parties in Bonn did not 
achieve was again accomplished by the Constitutional 
Court: The advance command of the Bundesvehr can 
stay in Somalia. The rest of the contingent can follow 
soon. Thus—without the public being fully aware of 
it—Germany has narrowly escaped interrational self- 
imposed rsolation. There is no doubt that a'l possible 
instruments have been used openly and behind the 
scenes. Even the UN secretary general was willing, or was 
urged to give evidence in Karlsruhe, which, however 
was finally reyected by the judges. If one leaves aside the 
legal disputes over the interpretation of the ruling. one 
thing becomes clear: About 45 years after the fall of the 
Third Reich, judges brought Germany back to the path 
of normality. Numerous politicians— ut not the chan- 
cellor—are still stuck in old patterns of thinking 

TAGESSPIEGEL, published in Berlin, writes: In a 
democracy, parliament is the mother of all decisions. In 
fact, this is not new but politicians of the usted Ger- 
many have completely forgotten this rule. Thus, the 
judges in Karlsruhe deemed it necessary to remind them 
clearly of it. The rejection of the request by the Social 
Democratic Party [SPD] has not only prevented consid- 
erable damage for Germany's foreign and security 
policy. Yet even this effect alone would be important 
enough. What is n ore important, however, 1s that the 
careless way in which the political class treats the Con- 
stitutional Court has been stopped. The decision by the 
judges can be seen as a warning signal for the SPD and 
the government party Free Democratic Party. Not the 
Basic Law ts exhausted but the ability of the parliamen- 
tarians to handiec it in the right way. 

NEUE WESTPHAELISCHE, published in Bielefeld, 
stresses that, in the entanglement of political arguments 
and political regulations that seems hardly solvable, the 
court in Karlsruhe finally accorded more significance to 
the political aspects than to ambiguous Iegal stipulations 
This is no reproach. If the parties develop a habit of 


asking the supreme court to act as an arbiter un disputes 
that they are not able to settle, they should not be 
surprised if the Constitutional Court also uses political 

OSTSEEZEITUNG, published on Rostock, states: The Con- 
Stitutm. yal Court has referred the case back to Bonn. It 
forces the people 6 representatives to treat political rssucs as 
such. The judges do not want to be constantly burdened 
with urgent decisions until a basic decision on the partict- 
pation of the Bundeswehr in the UN missions rs made. The 
message trom Karlsruhe rs: Seck a political consensus! It 15 
also a sign for the SPD that the main decision might not be 
what it expects. The Social Democrats must now gct used to 
Germany's new role in the world 

SUEDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG poimts out: Things 
cannot continuc this way. The clearly visible transfer of 
the republic's decrssonmaking center from Bonn to K4l- 
sruhe must be stopped. Not the court room but the 
assembly hall of parliament 1s the place where issues of 
national mmportance should drscussed in a democracy 
However, since nobody can be prevented from taking a 
matter to court with reproaches and appeals, and since 
the Constitutional Court accepts this increase in power 
despite some grumbling. the relationship between the 
court and politics must be newly regulated. The possibul- 
ives for the parties to institute legal proceedings and the 
decisronmaking possibilitees of the court must be 
reduced because the separation of powers has been 
considerably upset 

Kurdish Hostage- Takers Surrender in Munich 

LD2406222293 Hambure DPA ion German 2144 GMT 
4 Jun 9? 

[Excerpts] Munich (DPA)—The hostage drama in the 
Turkish Consulate in Munich ended without bloodshed 
shortly before midnight after over '4 hours. [passage 

After the hostages had been released the hostage-takers, 
whe numbered around 10. were taken away by the 
pohoe. In the end they merely insisted that ther political 
demands be published m the Munich ABENDZEI- 
TUNG: [Munich's main tabloid]. [passage omitted] 

After the hostages had been released Bavanan Intenor 
Minister Grventher Beckstemn sand that no concessions 
had been made. According to him, the hostage-takers 
had realized that “they could not fight for thea cause im 
a foreign country” The negotiations with [Bernd] 
Schmidbhauer had been held on the dark in front of the 
consulate building. [passage omitted] 

Some Said PAK “Miembers 

LDOS06080493 Hambure DPA in German 0704 GATT 
JS Jun 93 

[Excerpt] Munich (DPA)}—Munich police say that some 
of the 14 Kurdish hostage-takers who occupied the 
Turkish Consulate General im Munich yesterday are 


members of the extreme-left Workers Party of Kurdis- 
tan, PKK. Police spokesman Walter Renner said this 
morning that the police have not yet identified all those 
arrested. The culprits come from southern Germany, 
mostly from Munich's Kurdish community. Questioning 
18 Still on progress. When this 1s completed, the men will 
be brought ocfore the examining judge for a decision on 
whether they should remain in custody. 

Renner rejected allegations that police security short- 
comings made the attack possible. The seizure surprised 
the Munich police as much as the Turks involved. If the 
Turks had any advance knowledge of immuavent Kurdish 
action, as has been claimed in some quarters, the security 
forces would have been the first with an appropriate 
response, Renner said. [passage omitted] 

Kinkel Condemns Attacks on Turkish Facilities 

LD2406142693 Hamburg DPA in German 1338 GMT 
24 Jun 93 

[Excerpts] Bonn (DPA)}—The Federal Government has 
strongly criticized the “attack on the Turkish Consulate 
General” in Munich and other Turkish establishments in 
Germany by Kurdish hostage-take7s. [passage omitted] 

Kinkel also condemned the attack on the Consulate 
General in Munich and other Turkish establishments in 
Germany. The threats against the Consulate General 
employees contravened the law for guests in Germany 
and will not be accepted by the Federal Government. 
Kinkel called on the hostage-takers to put a stop to their 
actions immediately. Violence cannot not be a means to 
enforce political aims. The federal and state authorities 
responsible will do everything to protect Turkish diplo- 
matic missions. 

Seiters Also Condemns Viosence 

1.12406131293 Berlin DDP in German 1248 GMT 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Bonn DDP)}—Federal Interior Minister Rudolf 
Seiters (Christian Democratic Union) has condemned 
the acts of violence by militant Kurds against Turkish 
establishments in Germany “in the strongest possible 
way.” The German Government will not tolerate the 
acts of violence and the “terror,” Serters said in Bonn 
today. They will not allow “conflicts in the home coun- 
tres to be fought out here in Germany.” 

On the sidelines of a special mecting of the Christian 
Democratic Union/Christian Social Union Bundestag 
group, Seiters told the press that the German Govern- 
ment wil) not let itself be put under pressure. He 1s 
staying in close contact with the federal laender. Seiters 
stressed that foreigners living in Germany have to adhere 
to the Basic Law. 

26 June 1993 

Turkish Favoy Wants Anti-PAA Micasures 

LD2406121093 Berlin DDP im German 1141 GMT) 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Frankfurt/Cologne (DDP)— The Turkish ambas- 
sador in Bonn, Onur Oy men, has called on the German 
Government for tough measures to be taken agaist the 
Workers Party of Kurdistan (PKK) because of the 
attacks by Kurdish terrorsts 

Speaking on Hessischer Rundfunk Rado today, Oymen 
said that although so far there has been more than 100 of 
these kind of attacks in Germany. only a tew of the 
perpetrators had been convicted Chymen added that he 
saw no connection between the attacks and the Turkish 
Army's actions toward the Kurds 

On Deutschlandfunk Radio, Cymen spoke of “coords 
nated actions” by the Kurds at home and abroad The 
German Government had the “natronal duty” to guar 
antee protection for foreign establishments in Germany 

Press Views Kurdish Attacks 

AU 2806181193 Cologne Dewin “!ondtunk Network in 
German OSOS GMT 2S Jun 93 

[From the press review) 

TUNG supposes that the prohibited Workers Party of 
Kurdistan, the PAK, was behund the attacks [on Turkish 
facilities}, Only this organization has the organiationzi 
means to unleash such a wave of coordmated violence 
outside Turkey. The occupations and taking of hostages 
will further burden the anyway stramned relatronship 
between Ankara and Bonn. After the horrible murders of 
Moclin and Solingen, Germany ts currently vlewed crt 
ically in Turkey. However, Turkey 1 fot completely 
imnocent of the situation Ht 1s certarniy nght to defend 
itself against PAK terrorist attacks with mulitary means 
But Ankara has dragged its fect on the Kurdish problem 
for years. Even now there 1s no consistent policy toward 
the Kurds who simply do not want to be Turks, the 

taking of hostages in Munich, which ended bloodlessly 
late yesterday evening. Quote: The taking of hostages rs 
by no means only a domestic policy conflict of Turkey 
that 1s just taking place outside Turkish territory. New 
ther the place nor the time of the terrorist wave between 
Munich and Marseilles 1s a comcndence Cut of tear that 
Turkey might turn its back on Europe and fall into the 
mania of Islamic fundamentalism. Luropean govern 
ments are constantly closing both eves to the continuous 
human rights violations Since 1978 Turkey's war 

against the Kurds has claimed more than 6.200 vectors 
However, the international community only has admon 
ishing words for this, the LEIPZNGER VOLKSZEI 
TUNG says 

FRIS-W EL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

Maruist terrorist organization that 1s fighting for a laudable 
obyective with reprehensible methods: autonoms for the 
Kurds in Turkey, where any autonomy and even their own 
adentity has been demed to them so far. The Kurdish cause 
also and quite re hitly meets with great sympathy in Ger- 
many. With useless acts of violence, however, the PKK 
forfests any sympathy from the Western public, the SUED- 

After the murders of Moclin and Solingen, the Kurds’ 
militant actions against the Turks are giving mise to an 
extremely delicate situation in Germany. the KOELNER 
STADTANZEIGER warns. The Kurds struggle threatens 
Turks and Germans equally. The PKK represents a 
menority both in Turkey eod here. Most of the Kurds who 
live’. %wr country are sur ering from mts regime. The PKK 
blact.. ails them in the style of the Mafia. That 1s to say, 
Kurds musi also he  ofected for! their compatriots. Nev- 
ertheless. the PAK would be "est combdated by a reasonable 
Turkish policy for the Kurdish minority, whech has so far 
been disregarded sad suppressed, the KOELNER STAD- 
TANZEIGER reco mmer4s 

We read in the daily DIE WELT: It 1s certainly no 
cc ‘neidence that the attacks were committed only a few 
hours after the coalition agreement on new Prime Min- 
ister Tansu Ciller with the Social Democrats. Pressure 1s 
to be put on the head of government, but she cannot 
tolerate bering blackmailed. On the other hand. Ankara 
must not ignore that the fanatics among the 10 million 
Kurds are still in the minority. In order to prevent 
radicalization, politicians should show more flexibility, 
not toward the PKK, but toward moderate Kurdish 
organizations, which also exist, DIE WELT stresses 

The RHEINISCHE POST, which ts published in Dues. 
seldorf, pomts out: As if buttons had been pressed 
Kurdish extremists again set to work im numerous 
German cities and im other European countries yes- 
terday. An inhibition threshold for the use of violence up 
to the taking of hostages and threats of murder was not 
perceptibic. It 1s cold comfort that this time it was not a 
German mob who had chosen Turks and their institu- 
trons as targets. If the Kurdish offenders are seized, it 
will be the turn of the judges and aliens’ authorities, the 

NEUES DEUTSCHLAND States: Suddenly we are cxpe- 
riencing in our own country that there must be some- 
thing between Kurds and Turks which requires more 
than a Doner kebab horizon to understand, simply 
because it 1s not a conflict between the Kurds and the 
Turks. In Hamburg. Stuttgart, and Berlin, and with the 
occupation of the Munich consulate, the answer was 
given but, unfortunately, 1 was an unfit one, NEUES 
DEUTSCHLAND, which ts published in Berlin, judges 


Minister Assails U.S. Duties on Steel Imports 

1D2406/40793 Hambure DPA in German 1244 GMI 
24 Jun 93 

[Excerpts] Bonn Brasilia Mexico City (DPA}—CGerman 
Economic Affairs Minister Guenter Rexrodt (Free Dem- 
ocrat Party) has criticized the US. mmposition of penal 
customs duties on stecl imports as a “sign of a dangerous 
development im trade policy.” Rexrodt sand today im 
Bonn that the German Government supports the EC 
Commission in its efforts to reach an agreement with the 

Rexrodt said that anti-dumping duties of up to 35 
percent have been imposed on umports of German stecl 
companies. Add. tional counters along duties imposed by 
the United States Department of Commerce reached 
anything up to 73 percent, although German companies 
were by and large subject to a rate of one percent 
[passage omitted] 

On Tuesday the US. Department of Commerce 
announced the imposition of anti-dumping duties 
ranging from 1.5 to 107 percent against siccl producers 
in 19 countries, including seven trom the European 
Community, clanming they sell ther flat stecl products 
on the U.S. market at knock-down prices. However, the 
duties cannot come into force until 4 August at the 
earliest, pending a further decrsson by the International 
Trading Commussion 

Commentary Criticizes Delors’s EC Speech 

10 2306112293 Munich SULDDEUCTSCUE ZEITUNG 
in German 23 Jun 93 p 2° 

[Wintned Muenster article: “Delors Missed the Pornt in 
Copenhag n”] 

[Text] The president of the EC Commission, Jacques 
Delors, presented an cight-pomnt pian mn Copenhagen, 
designed to make the community of twelve more com- 
petitive and to curb unemployment Chancellor Helmut 
Kohl's assessment was very cautrous: “Some proposals 
sound sensible, others are problematic” British Prime 
Minister John Mayor added s «me suggestions of hrs own, 
which exemplify the whole difference between the 
Anglo-Saxon liberal and the French interventronrst 
thinking. Thus, 1 became clear on Copenhagen on nine 
type-written pages that the community will not be able to 
achieve a consensus on cconomic policy 

Since the view can often be heard om France that low. 
wage countries are taking an increasing number of potys 
from the EC and from the industrialized West, Delors 
was cxapected to suggest specific protectionist measures 
He actually did, but he concealed them masterly GATT 
should be transformed into a new “world trade organs- 
vation” that takes imto consideration “cconomic real 
tres,” that 1s “ecuchange rate fluctuations, as well as the 
costs of the environmental protectron and social progress 
to which everybody 1s entitled.” he stated 


In plain language, this means that countries that want to 
export goods to the EC are required to pursue an 
environmental policy and to ensure the social protection 
of their working population. In addition, they are not 
allowed to devalue their currency in an attempt tc gain 
export advantages. The costs of this environmentzi pro- 
tection and social security must be inciuded in export 
prices. Within the framework of its anti-dumping policy, 
the EC Commission will decide whether this 1s done to a 
sufficient extent. By adopting such criteria, the Brussels 
authority is creating an enormous scope for itself on 
assessing whether a third country 1s guilty of dumping 
practices. This would be protectionist arbitrariness. 

For nearly a year Delors has been annoyed that his 
authority can only propose anti-dumping tariffs. The 
decision is made by the Council of Ministers, in which 
the liberal minority of the British, the Dutch, and the 
Germans can object to such measures. For this reason, 
the Brussels officials want to reverse the decisionmaking 
process. The commission should be able to impose 
punitive tariffs, and the Council of Ministers can only 
revoke the decision on a majority vote. This reversal 1s 
an integrating component of the plan that Delors pre- 
sented in Copenhagen. 

France and the head of the Brussels author» have been 
exerting pressure on the liberal minority for months to 
agree to that. Tt ‘s pressure will now even increase. If this 
blocking mino’ity 1s eliminated. “Fortress Europe” will 
indeed be complete. 

If Jacques Delors issues a prescription against a disease 
that afflicts all the EC partners, 1s he really well advised 
to ask the }.ctter-off member states for additional finan- 
cial aid for the weaker countries according to the trad)- 
tional Brussels system of subsidies? The commission 
president believes that the community should spend 3 
percent of its gross national product on research, instead 
of the current 2 percent. Since the economically devel- 
oped countries achieve this percentage im any eveni, his 
proposal can only refer to additional subsidies for those 
countries that spend relatively litthe money on research 
Yet will France, the Benelux countries, Denmark, and 
Germany strengthen their competitiveness by increasing 
capital transfers to the poorer states of the community” 

Delors wanted to present new ideas to the heads of state 
and government, but he only used the old patterns of 
thinking that prevail in Brussels. He suggested that a 
“minimum” of 60 billion German marks [DM] annually 
should be spent on the development of an “efficient 
infrastructure network” and another DM10 to 15 billion 
for a “European information structure.” This means that 
the states whose deficits are swelling throughout the EC 
should place more orders. Is that the path to competi- 
tiveness’? As a matter of fact, new words have been 
coined for redistribution within the EC. There 1s no 
doubt that Delors has missed the point 

Thus, it 1s useful to quote John Major: On average, labor 
costs in the community are 20 percent higher than in the 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

United States. Ancillary wage costs exceed the US. level 
by 50 percent. The most recent European iegislation on 
working hours, for example, would cost British industry 
5 biil-on pounds annually, the prime minister pointed 
out. fie does not want to accept that. 

Major's proposals pot in the mght direction. The EC 
cannot increase its Competitiveness with Delors’s pro- 
gram of Mate expenditure and even less so with France's 
protectionism, but with a scheme that 1s much simpler: 
reducing costs. Competition should be introduced wher- 
ever conceivable. However, even the current situation, 
this does not seem feasible fer the EC. 

Hungary's Antall Meets Koh! in Bonn 

AU 2506111493 Budapest MT1 in English 1933 GM1 
23 Jun 93 

[Text] Budapest 23 Jun (MT1)}—Hungary continues to 
see Bosnia-Her7egovina as a united state, whose internal 
Structure should be specified on the basis of self- 
determination, Hungarian Prime Munsster Jozsef Antall 
told MTI after hes talks with German Federal Chancellor 
Helmut Kohl in Bonn today. The Hungarian premier 
arrived this afternoon in Germany for a three-day offi- 
cial visit. 

At a press bricfing following the meeting, Chancellor 
Kohi held out the prospect that the sccunty policy 
situation of the Central European countries, including 
Hungary, would feature on the agenda of the next NAT’ 
summit. “Even if Hungary docs not become a NATO 
member in the near future, it should feel that is securit: 
1s provided for,” he said 

Concerning Hungary's EC membership, /:ntall said, “we 
are not waiting for a date Hungary \nows that its 
admission depends just as much on the mternal devel- 
opment of the EC as on its ability to catch up with the 
West. Unt! then, we ask that the EC enable us to take 
advantage of our association agreement.” 

As far as cooperation with NATO 1s concerned, Antall 
expressed hope that an “organizational form,” guaran- 
teeing its participation, would be found. “The security of 
Central Europe 1s an \tlantic interest as well, Hungary 
considers it crucial for European security that NATO +s 
maintained and strengthened under the new cond- 
tions,” Antall sard 

The economic topics on the agenda included invest- 
ments, concession plans and the employment of Hungar- 
1ans in Germany, the prime minister sand 

In the evening, Kohl gave a gala dinner in Schaumburg 
Palace in honour of Antall and his entourage 

On Thursday, Antali 1s scheduled to meet Bundestag 
President Rita Sussmuth and Foresgn Minister Klaus 
Kinkel. In the afternoon, he 1s to call on Federal Prew- 
dent Richard von Weissacker, and im the evening 
address the German-Hunganan cconomic forum im 

FBIS-WEL -93-12) 
25 June 1993 

Talks With Shevardnadze, Kinkel 

1D2406114093 Budapest Kossuth Radio Network in 
Hunearian 1000 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Prime Minister Jozsef Antail, on the second day of 
his vrsit to Germany, beld negotrations with Bundestag 
President Kita Sussmuth and Foresgn Minister Kiaus 
Kinkel. Gvoergy Bernat reports from Bonn. 

{Bernat} jorsef Antal! has expanded his program on the 
second day of hrs Bonn visit with a political umproviza- 
tron. During hrs stay om the Guest House of the German 
Government, Eduard Shevardnadze, ex-Soviet foreign 
min ster and president of Georgia, 1s alco staying there, 
and at Jozsef Antall’s muitiatiwe they sat down for a 
20-minute long ncgotiation. The most important asser- 
thon of the dialogue was that once things get sorted out in 
Georgia and the situation becomes consolidated in there, 
the possibility opens up for good cooperation, but the 
preparation for such a relatonship, which 1s to be laid 
down in a treaty, begins now 

Among his Germar tcgciiating partners, Jozsef Antall 
first caw Rita Sussmuth. The German Bundestag presi- 
dent enquired about the links between Hungary and the 
EC. about the way mm which the pirame muinister sees 
relations with nehboring countries and with Germany. 

German foreyn Mrnister Kiaee wnkel also visited 
Jozsef \ntall at his place of resdiencc. During their 
negotiations, it was confirmed that Hungarian and 
German polrtical leaders pudge mmternational develop- 
ments in identical or very semilar ways. From what has 
been vored im relation wih the Hungarian security 
situation, tt has also become clear that the German 
Government was well aware of the kind of problems that 
stem from being gcographically next to the southern Slav 
crisis vone and that for Hungary security 1s not only 
important on the military field, but also im respect to the 
economy, and external relations. Even the affairs of 
refugees belong in this sphere 

German President Rechard von Weizsaecker honored 
Jozsef Antal with an award for hrs outstanding work for 
the unity of Europe and for Hungarian-German rela- 
trons. The prime minister was presented with the Cross 
of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany by Chan- 
cellor Helmut Kohl Hungarian Foreign Affairs 
spokesman Janos Herman said that yesterday's gesture 
was completely uncxapected, tt did not feature im the 
protocol put out mm advance 

Support at EC Assured 
LD2406145193 Hambure DPA in German 1309 GMT 
24 Jun 93 

[Excerpt] Bonn (DPA}—The German Government today 
reaffirmed its support for Hungary's wrsh to jon the Euro- 
sean Community in the near future. German Foreign Min- 
ister Klaus Konkel sand during a meeting with Hunganan 
Prime Minister Jozsef Antal! that Germany would work to 
secure “as speedy an accession as possible” to the EC 


Yesterday Helmut Koh! pledged support for closer Hun- 
garian ties with the EC and NATO 

The German Foreign Ministry said Antall, who ts in 
Bonn for a two-day visit, also vorced the concerns of hrs 
country with regard to the conflict mn former Yugoslavia 
Konkel pointed to the latest statement by NATO Sccre- 
tary General Man‘red Woerner that the alliance could 
not remain unaffected if Hungary became embroiled im 
events. Germany ts currently assisting mm the moderniza- 
ton of the Hungarian armed forces by supplying mate- 
nal from the former GDR National People's Army 
[passage omitted] 

Acks for Financial, Technical Aid 

LD2406215493 Budapest M11 in Enelish 19236M1 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Bonn/Cologne. June 24 (MTI}—Hungary asked 
Germany for financial and technical belp to contain 
illegal migrant and drug trafficking. “lunganan P\ ame 
Minister Jozsef Antail told reporter. im Bonn on 
Thursday, day two of his official veset to Germany 

The prime minister sand Hungary expected German help 
to keep its Arm. at current levels. Ecomomucally. he sand 
it 1s crucial for not only transnatronal corporations but 
even small and medwm-sized Crerman firms to find 
places in Hungarian industry Hungary also counts «na 
German role im mew inirastructure, such as road and rar! 
building. even under concessions, he sand 

Antall felt Germany would be Hungary's main helper im 
tes with the European Community. The prime moenister 
saw it as vital that Germany support Hungary in security 
policy and NATO entry 

Antall noted that, after Japan, Germany was Hungary's 
biggest creditor and, in foreign direct mmvestment, Sehond 
only the US 

In the evening. Antall attended a Cremman-Hunganan 
economic forum dinner in Cologne Earlier, he 
exchanged views with Finance Monister Theo Wane! 
After taking part wm the Aachen Prigrimage. the prime 
minister will revera to Hungary on Saturday 

Shevardnadze, Kohl Sign Cooperation Pact 
LD2406115893 Hambure DPA in German 1046 OMT 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Bonn (DPA)}—Eduard Shevardnadse. the Groot 
gian head of state, began his officeal vesit to Bonn today 
with talks with Federal Presdent Richard von Wev 
saccker and Chancellor Helmut Koh! The talks focused 
on the issue of how the Federal Republn could give 
advice and support to Grorgia on the path toward a 
market cconomy. The chancellor agreed to help with 
democratic reform 


Shevardnadze was greeted with military honors by Fed- 
eral President von Werzsaecker. His German host 
praised in all the discussions the achievements of the 
current head of state and parhamentary president of 
Georgia, who in his capacity as Soviet foreign minister 
played a significant part in bringing about German 
reunification in the two-plus-four foreign minister nego- 
tuations in 1990. 

The Federal Republic formally agreed to aid on the path 
toward a market economy in a “Joint Declaration by the 
Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of 
Georgia on the Basic Principles of their Relations,” 
which was published today. The document, a consider- 
able part of which 1s similar to the good-neighborliness 
treaties that have already been agreed upon with other 
eastern nations, was signed by Koh! and Shevardnadze 
in Bonn. 

The declaration agrees to “close cooperation” in all 
areas. With reference to the principles of the CSCE, 
Georgia, which 1s currently involved in bloody conflicts 
with minorities, commits itself to “purely peaceful” 
conflict mediation. Bonn agrees to help in the setting up 
of an export control system in the armament sector, the 
training of specialists and managers in industry, and in 
the establishment of an economic infrastructure. This 
includes budget and tax systems, the bank and stock 
market sector, and privatization. However, before the 
Federal Government can give financial support, the 
question of debts of the former Soviet Union has to be 
sorted out. 

Shevardnadze, Federal Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel, 
and Economic Cooperation Minister Carl-Dieter 
Spranger will sign six further agreements and treaties on 
25 June. These concern the care of war graves, invest- 
ment protection, various transport agreements, and a 
study and skilled worker fund. 

Cubans Tell Hamburg Chamber of Integration 

AU 2806090093 Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER 
ALLGEMEINE in German 24 Jun 93 p 17 

[“pop”™ report: “Cuba Looking for Foreign Investors” ] 

[Text] Hamburg, 23 June—Cuba, which has serious 
economic problems, is urgently looking for economic 
cooperation with foreign companies. Following the dis- 
appearance of the traditional export markets in the 
former Soviet Union and the East Bloc states, the 
socialist country now wants to integrate itself more 
strongly into the world market, Oscar Alfonso from the 
Cuban Ministry for Economic Cooperation [name of 
ministry as published] said at a Cuba conference orga- 
nized by the Hamburg Chamber. In addition to financial 
means for buying raw materials and materials for pro- 
duction, the Cubans need their products to be marketed 
abroad as well as technological and management know- 
how, Alfonso said. He said that about 100 companies are 
currently working with foreign participation m Cuba. 

25 June 1993 

The Caribbean island 1s looking for cooperation partic- 
ularly in tourism, one of the country’s most important 
sources of foreign currency. By 1995 hotel capacities 
(expected number of visitors in 1993: 630,000 tourists) 
are to be expanded with the help of foreign investors to 
accomodate | million guests. In addition, joint ventures 
in agriculture, for instance for the cultivation of citrus 
fruit, but also in biotechnology, pharmaccuticals, and oi! 
production are on offer. 

Germany's foreign trade with Cuba has undergone a 
considerable decline over the past few years. After 
reaching 310 milhon German marks [DM] in 1985, 
Germany's exports to Cuba declined to about DM100 
millon last year. In addition to the Cubans’ lack of 
foreign currency, which 1s the result of the decline of 
sugar prices on the world market and the blockade of 
Cuban exports by the U_S., the reasons for this decline 
are reportedly also a lack of export financing by German 
banks and a lack of Hermes guarantees. Despite these 
obstacles, one can still do good business with Cuba, 
German businessmen stressed at the conference—but 
with a high msk. Cuba's policy of opening up econom:- 
cally 1s promusing, it was said. 

Nigeria Warned of ‘Consequences’ After Vote 

L.D2506100493 Hamburg DPA in German 0752 GMT 
25 Jun 93 

[Text] Bonn (DPA)}—The German Government has 
warned Nigeria of possible “consequences to bilateral 
relations” following the annulment of the Nigerian elec- 
tions of 12 June. A Foreign Ministry spokesman said 
today that the Nigerian charge d'affaires in Bonn was 
summoned to the Foreign Ministry on Thursday [24 
June] evening. On this occasion, the German Govern- 
ment emphasized its concern. 

According to foreign observers, the elections were fair 
and democratic. Vice President Augustus Aikhomu 
declared the result invalid on 22 June. 

Waigel Hints at Possible Interest Rate Cut 

LD2506102193 Hamburg DPA in German 0923 GMT 
25 Jun 93 

[Excerpt] Bonn (DPA)}—German Finance Minister Theo 
Waigel (Christian Social Union) has firmly ruled out any 
discussion with France on the question of interest rate 
cuts. “This ts certainly not something which will be 
discussed” when the postponed meeting of the Franco- 
German Financial and Economic Council is held in the 
near future, Waigel said today on Deutschlandfunk 
radio. At the same time, however, he did indicate that 
German interest rates could—as France has called for— 
be cut soon. 

Speaking about preparations for the 1994 federal budget, 
Waigel said: “We are currently doing in Bonn all that 1s 
necessary to give the Bundesbank room for mancuver.” 

FBIS-WEU -93-121 
25 June 1993 

For this reason, by Monday [28 June] he has to complete 
his talks with all federal ministers on the 1994 budget as 
well as the current savings round. 

The possibility of interest rate cuts ts “without doubt 
desirable during a period of recession.” “However, in the 
past, we in Germany have done a great deal to this end” 
and “have repeatedly stressed how important it is that 
other countries exploit their own scope for interest rate 
cuts.” Wage! said in reference to Germany's particular 
difficulties caused by reunification. [passage omitted] 

Issing: Stability Vital for Long-Term Investment 

AU 2506101693 Duesseldorf HANDELSBLATT in 
German 24 Jun 93 p 1l 

[““mak”™ report: “Sticking to Stability”] 

[Text] Frankfurt, 23 June—According to Otmar Issing, 
member of the German Bundesbank board of directors, 
a credible orientation of monetary policy toward sta- 
bility 1s the most important contribution a central bank 
can make to promoting the capital market and thus also 
economic growth. 

Whoever in Germany says that the danger of inflation, 
which was caused by the boom due to unification, has 
been finally banished, obviously accepts the loss of 
stability for the time being, Issing said, speaking to the 
Association for the Promotion of the Institute for 
Banking Management and Banking Law at Cologne 
University. For quite some time the German mark has 
not lived up to being an anchor currency, to serving as 
the absolute standard of monetary stability. A central 
bank, which ts committed to price stability, cannot 
resign itself to an inflation rate of more than 4 percent. 

Expectations concerning inflation and the exchange rate 
form a dangerous, explosive mixture, which the Bundes- 
bank can defuse most safely with a course that does not 
give rise to doubts regarding its determination to main- 
tain stability. 

Whoever urges speedy reductions of the central bank 
interest rates in the interest of stimulating economic 
development, must deal with the effects on long-term 
interest rates. The simple assumption that the capital 
market rate will decline parallel to a reduction of the 
money market rate “1s, without justification, not only a 
naive but even a careless claim,” Issing said. In view of 
the importance of long-term loans in Germany, which 1s 
quite high compared with other countries, and the 
resulting effects, nothing would be gained in terms of 
economic policy if the decline of the central bank 
interest rates would have to be paid for with an increase 
in the capital market rate. 

Germany continues to depend on foreign savings. In 
1992 75 percent of the entire net sales on the bond 
market went to the public sector. Placing such a compre- 
hensive volume was possible only because of a large 
influx of money from abroad. 


Shipping Privatization Problems Viewed 
93EN0603A Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER 
ALLGEMEINE in German 7 Jun 93 p 13 

[Commentary by Klaus ..emper: “Tough Fights on the 
Coast—The Case of Deutsche Seereederei”’] 

[Text] The protests that have accompanied privatization 
efforts at Deutsche Seereederei Rostock—the former 
GDR’s national shipping line—since mid-May will just 
not end. First, the works council was roused to action 
when it became evident that, among all the prospective 
buyers, the Trust Agency was going to give precedence 
not to Bremer Vulkan, Rostock’s candidate of chorce, 
but to Hamburg businessmen Horst Rahe and Nikolaus 
W. Schues. The works council attempted to thwart the 
Trust Agency with a temporary injunction. The attempt 
failed. The Rostock labor court having jurisdiction in the 
case rescinded the temporary injunction in the middle of 
last week while at the same time rejecting all further 
petitions. The purchase agreement could therefore be 
notarized last Thursday. 

But things are far from quiet as a result. The works 
council chairman received additional support over the 
weekend from—of all places—five members of the com- 
pany’s supervisory board. They announced their resig- 
nations on Friday after a special supervisory board 
session as a means of protesting the manner and out- 
come of the privatization process at the company. 

The event is remarkable. After all, all these members of 
the supervisory board had received their mandates from 
the same shareholder and thus had accepted the commis- 
sion of representing his—and only his—interests on this 
board. With this action, they are now openly opposing 
him. Among them is the executive board chairman of the 
Reconstruction Loan Corporation, Hans W. Reich, who 
was president of the Rostock shipping line's supervisory 
board. The officially cited reasons for the resignations— 
the Trust Agency allegedly did not include the board in 
either the negotiations or in the decision regarding 
privatization—have the ring of wounded pride. It should 
have been clear to the supervisory board members that 
the privatization authority, as owner of the shipping 
company, would make its decisions independently. Or 
are other interests involved here’ 

On the merits of the case, the Hamburg businessmen 
Rahe and Schues apparently presented a clearly better, 
and, for the long term, a sounder takeover plan than did 
Bremer Vulkan. That applies particularly to its purely 
maritime shipping aspects. The accusation that the busi- 
nessmen were allegedly interested primarily in the assets 
and in developing tourism does not become truer by 
constant repetition. Both the works council as well as the 
supervisory board of the Rostock shipping line are 
precisely informed about the substance of the plans that 
the Trust Agency had to choose from. Rahe and Schues 
guaranteed the Trust Agency that 2.225 jobs would be 
preserved and |.1 billion German marks [DM] in invest- 
ments would be made. After thinning the number of 


existing vessels to 38, the shipping line's fleet is to be 
expanded to 84 bottoms—among other ways, by 
bringing in the Leisz and Alfred C. Toepfer Shipping 
Lines as well as their holding company for real estate and 
sea-going assets. The Bremen offer is a far cry from that, 
particularly since operational management of container 
services was to have remained in Bremen. Rahe and 
Schues, on the other hand, will transfer the entire cen- 
tralized management operation to Rostock—and they, in 
contrast to Vulkan, want to provide an additional 
margin of security for maritime shipping operations by 
means of a healthy tourism business. 

At least officially, the critics of the Trust Agency's 
decision take issue primarily with this second part of the 
plan—a plan, by the way, that Hapag-Lioyd, for 
example, has been following with considerable success 
for years. Every expert on the coast, however, knows that 
a purely maritime shipping line can hardly be operated 
profitably these days. The Rostock shipping line shows a 
loss of DM200 million for 1992. That same year, Bremer 
Vulkan’s Senator Line produced a loss of more than 
DM60 million. Experts calculate that a maritime ship- 
ping line in the Bremer Vulkan mold would, in all 
probability, run up losses of DM200 to DM 300 million 
annually. Bremer Vulkan was primarily looking to the 
combination of shipyard and shipping service to secure 
lucrative shipbuilding contracts. 

The six container ships that Vulkan has already sold to 
Rostock show how that works out. Each one of these ships 
cost DM90 million. The same ships can be had on the world 
market for DM50 million. The result ts that in privatizing 
the shipping line, the Trust Agency now has to write off—at 
its expense and thus at the expense of the taxpayer—six 
times DM40 million in seagoing assets. The question is, 
Who should bear the future losses of Senator Line plus 
Deutsche Seereederei? Certainly not Bremen Land. 

No less questionable was the intention of Hamburg-Sued 
Shipping Line, a member of the Oetker Group, to cooperate 
with Bremer Vulkan. Shipping line boss Horst Schomberg 
primarily viewed this as an opportunity to get md of 
competition by Rostock—by regularizing scheduled ship- 
ping service—on routes that are especially important to 
him, and to redistribute costs. The option of a subsequent 
participating interest in Deutsche Seercederei—something 
that was forced on him by Bremer Vulkan—was nothing 
more to him than a necessary evil. Thus, in the final analysis 
it has to be doubted that Bremer Vulkan and its partners 
were really interested in building up an economically viable 
enterprise in Rostock as Rahe and Schues apparently intend 
to do. They dazzled the works council with a vision of one 
of the largest international maritime shipping lines. The bill 
for it, however, was probably to have been taken care of by 
the taxpayer. The Trust Agency has blocked that with its 
decision. The privatization of the shipping line in Rostock, 
with its additional encumbrances of DM750 million, ts 
among the most expensive undertaken by the Trust Agency 
in any case. Even supervisory board members have to ask 
themselves how much longer they would want to continue 
participating in this game. 

25 June 1993 

Shipbuilders Decry Eastern Competition 
93EN0603C Frankfurt/Main FRANFURTER 
ALLGEMEINE in German 7 Jun 93 p 13 

[Article by “Wg.”: “Shipbuilders Bemoan ‘Ruinous 
Pressure’ From Eastern Europe—Reduction in Subsidies 
Demanded” ] 

[Text] Hamburg, 6 Jun—True, the shipbuilding industry 
foresees a perceptible recovery in demand for new ship 
construction in the second half of this decade: A good 
percentage of the freighters, bulk cargo carners, and 
tankers have to be replaced with more economical ves- 
sels and ships with higher safety standards. Yet in spite 
of these “excellent prospects for the future,” competition 
in the worldwide shipbuilding industry ts currently char- 
acterized by insufficient deniand for new ship construc- 
tion, considerable surplus capacity, and by international 
competition which 1s being distorted by subsidies. Since 
last year, pressure on prices by Eastern European ship- 
yards has been increasingly added to the ongoing ruinous 
pricing policy of shipyards in the Far East. According to 
statements by Heinz Ache, president of the Shipbuilding 
and Marine Engineering Association, made at the asso- 
ciation’s general meeting, the prices obtainable on the 
market do not cover “by a long shot even the cests of the 
most competitive shipyards in the Far Last and Europe.” 
In OECD negotiations to date, the Europeans have made 
unilateral concessions on subsidy reductions while other 
countnes proceed with “their arrangements that hinder 
efficiency-onented competition.” 

The German shipbuilding industry, although 1n a leading 
position in the high-tech ficld of special ship construc- 
tion, has no chance in international competition without 
subsidies. The Shipbuilding Association 1s therefore 
demanding of the minister for economics that negotia- 
tion pressure in the OECD be increased in regard to the 
Far East and the United States in order to achieve a 
reduction of subsidies through multilateral negotiations. 
Until this ts successful, EC guidelines on ship construc- 
tion subsidies should also be applied in Germany. In 
addition, the federal government, in common with its 
EC partners, should take steps against substandard ships. 

At 9.25 billion German marks [DM], the German ship- 
building industry's volume of business in 1992 was 
approximately the same as the previous year. Primarily 
due to the cutbacks in castern Germany, the number of 
persons employed declined last year by about 20 percent 
to 47,200, of which 31,800 are in western Germany. in 
the early months of the current year, the numbers 
employed both in eastern and western Germany con- 
tinued to decline. In the year under review, 95 new 
merchant ships valued at DM4_.2 billion were delivered. 
At 51 percent, container vessels outnumbered dry-cargo 
freighters at 18 percent, ferry and passenger ships at 16 
percent, and special tankers at |} percent. At a total 

25 June 1993 

value of DM3.7 billion, the volume of new orders 
received by maritime shipyards continued to be too low. 
They were 30 percent below future planned volumes of 
about DMS.5 billion. The total volume of orders on 
hand thus declined to DM9 billion by the end of 1992 
and continued downward in the first quarter of this year 
to DM7.7 billion. 

The situation has become critical for inland waterway 
shipyards who, in addition to the surplus capacity in 
inland waterway transport, are concerned about the 
considerable imports of new vessels from Eastern 
Europe. Fifty-three vessels valued at DM137 million 
were delivered, while orders worth only DM78 million 
were received. The inland waterway shipyards view the 
transport policy plans for inland waterway shipping as in 
danger if the necessary infrastructure for construction 
and maintenance of the fleet in Germany can no longer 
be maintained; they are demanding import restrictions 
on new inland waterway vessels. 

In a report on “Prospects for the German Shipbuilding 
Industry's Competitiveness,” Munich business con- 
sultant Roland Berger characterized shipbuilding—“like 
shipping, a matter of life and death for an industrial 
nation dependent upon ocean transport”—as a “crystal- 
lization point” for advanced technology. As a system 
integrator, it is at least as important as aircraft manufac- 
turing. As the sole Western country, Germany has been 
able to maintain a significant market share of 8 percent 
as the third largest shipbuilding nation (after Japan and 
Korea, who lead by a large margin). If its position is to be 
maintained, the cost disadvantage of German ship- 
yards—about 10 percent in comparison with Japan and 
up to 30 percent compared to Korea and Eastern 
Europe—must be further reduced with all vigor. In this, 
standardization, optimization of the vertical range of 
manufacture, and purchasing are particularly important, 
as is the reduction of labor costs though more flexibility 
of work schedules. Berger advocated a “coordinated 
strategic approach” to cooperations among suppliers, 
shippers, and the shipyards themselves. 

Berlin's Eastern Skinheads, Rightists Viewed 

93ENO603D Frankfurt/Main FRANFURTER 
ALLGEMEINE in German 8 Jun 93 p § 

[Article by Ralf Georg Reuth: “Guenter from Marzahn 
Doesn't Care About the Natron—Observations Among 
Skinheads” ] 

[Text] Berlin, 7 Jun—He has had it. He does not give a 
hoot about this nation, says the young man with the 
shorn head, the black leather jacket, and the bulbous, 
laced boots before throwing the empty beer bottle onto 
the street. His name is Guenter, he comes from the 
satellite town of Marzahn, and he hangs around the 
greasy fast-food stand several hours every day where he 
usually meets with like-minded. But today he waits in 
vain and his frustration, which he tries to drown in 
alcohol, seems all the greater. 


Guenter kills his time here. He says he cannot stand it at 
home “in the flat,” where his parents get on each other's 
nerves. “Nothing doing with work”—which means that 
the trained electrical technician has been unemployed 
for a year. The many foreigners are to blame. After all, he 
did not believe his eyes when he came to West Berlin for 
the first time during the night of 9-10 November—back 
then when the wall came down. It seemed to him as if he 
were in Istanbul, Guenter relates, and adds that some 
“Nordification” in the city would be a good thing. 

Though his need for authority and guidance seems 
pronounced, the young man with the eagle tatooed on his 
arm ts not longing for the old GDR days when he says 
that no one knows what to do in this “confusion” here. 
Yes, under Hitler it was better, he says. Then the 
Germans counted for something. He does not know 
much else about National Socialism apart from some 
half-truths—and how could he since the “Third Reich” 
was not a topic for discussion in the GDR with the 
exception of antifascist legends? 

Guenter is one of about 300 skinheads estimated to 
belong to the extremist right-wing scene. According to 
information from the Berlin Land Office for the Protec- 
tion of the Constitution, 70 of these, in turn, belong to 
right-wing extremist groupings whose active members 
and sympathizers are estimated to total 1,600 persons in 
the German capital. The “German Alternative,” the 
“National Offensive,” and the “Nationalist Front” had 
become well-known in the past. For all practical pur- 
poses, these groupings no longer exist in Berlin since 
their banning by the Ministry of the Interior in Bonn. 
Instead, a group calling itself the “Free German 
Workers’ Party” has been forming out of a mixture of the 
most diverse, tiny groups and circles of friends. 
According to data of the Office for the Protection of the 
Constitution, it reportedly numbers about !20 members. 
These neo-Nazis, who speak of Berlin as the capital city 
of the Reich, who want to organize a Reich Party 
Congress, and who are racist and anti-Semitic in onen- 
tation in their program—if one can even speak of such a 
thing-—made a name for themselves on | May of this 
year when they engaged in a good-size battle with radical 
leftist anarchists in Berlin-Lichtenberg. 

The center of activities of the—for the most part still 
youth ful—right-wing extremists is in the eastern part of 
the capital city, in the prefab concrete jungles of 
Marzahn and Lichtenberg, and in the Prenzlauer Berg 
District as well. The reason for this, according to a 
recently published study by political scientists Juergen 
W. Falter, Richard Stoess, and Juergen Winkler of the 
Centra} Institute of the Free University for Social Sci- 
ence Research, is to be found both 1n the authoritarian 
structures of the old system and in the orientation crisis 
resulting from the turnaround. Right-wing extremism ts, 
in this view, by no means solely the result of economic 
and social problems in the acceding region [i.c. the 
former GDR]. 


Recently, however, the movement has been shifting. 
While the number of nght-wing extremists 1s declining in 
the east, it 1s growing in the western part of the city, 
particularly in the Charlottenburg and Schoeneberg Dis- 
tricts. The FU [Free University] political scientists do 
not regard general disgust with politics but rather the 
differring expectations of people to be an important 
cause of this development. After all, 33 percent of 
eastern Berliners are optimistic about the future, 
whereas only 18 percent of people in the western part of 
the city are. In this case, euphoria over unification has 
given way to a material cost-benefit analysis. German 
unity 1s regarded more as a financial burden today. 

Above all, material considerations also constitute the 
substratum for attitudes towards foreigners, German 
emigrants from Eastern Europe, and asylum seekers. 
Thus, hostility towards foreigners in the western part of 
Berlin grew between 1990 and 1992 from 7 to 12 
percent, thereby approximating the level in the east. Acts 
of violence motivated by antiforeigner feelings continue 
to occur primarily in the eastern part of the city, how- 
ever. According to data of the Land Office for the 
Protection of the Constitution, 70 percent of the 57 
violent acts known to have been committed in this 
context in 1992 were still committed in the eastern 
districts. The results of the FU institute's study provide 
surprising insights mn this regard. Contrary to widely held 
assumptions, there 1s no statistical correlation between 
right-wing extremism and violence against persons and 
property. The equation “The more right-wing 
extremism, the more violence” 1s reportedly incorrect. 

East's Police Funding Increase Need Seen 

93 NOOOSB Duesseldort HANDELSBLATT in German 
Y Jun 93 po 

{Article by “bos”: “Police Activity in the East No Longer 
ata Cut Rate—Savings at the Cost of Security” 

[Text] Leipzig—Crimimologists and legal experts 
attending an anticrime conference in Leipzig have 
warned against an “irresponsible campagin on the part 
of federal government and laender politicians concerned 
with savings for the cheapest possible police in eastern 

As conference participants stressed, crimina, investiga- 
tory authorities mn the new laender feel they are being left 
in the lurch more and more often by the politicians. The 
latter, for the sake of reporting success in attaining 
short-tern would hinder the mmportant per- 

sonnel a: ‘| reorganization of eastern German 
police fh thus accept a growing shortfall in 
infernal Right now, every eastern German 
policeman has already accumulated an average of 400 

hours of overtume. In view of the increasing willingness 
of “normal” criminals to engage in violence as well as the 
political extremust groups in eastern Germany's streets, 
the number of weekend and special operations has 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

reportedly tripled for a policeman. In terms of personne! 
and equipment, the investigatory authorities are haa 
equal to the demands. 

Heinz Wolf, chief of the Saxony Land Police, reported 
on “already established Italian structures” in the crim- 
inal underworld in the population concentration centers 
of Leipzig, Dresden, and Chemnitz. Particularly im the 
areas of commercial crime and politically motivated 
violence, the police authorities, presently still im the 
process of reorganization, are facing internally cohesive 
organizations with the most modern communications 
and logistics equipment. Moreover, there 1s a shortfall of 
5,000 policemen in the Free State of Saxony at present 

Saxony: 80 Million Marks for Clerical Staff and 

Saxony’s Minister of the Interior Heinz Eggert (CDU 
[Christian Democratic Union), who was present at the 
conference, found himself confronted with the surprising 
fact that the sum of 80 million German marks [IDM] he 
had allocated last year primarily for the hiring of 1,200 
people as clerical staff and the purchase of dictation 
equipment for the police had disappeared somewhere in 
the administrative machinery. Representatives of 
regional police headquarters reported to the minister 
that the promised assistance has so far not materialized 
Eggert promised to look into the administrative failure 

Hans-Ulnch Herzberg, chief inspector of the Saxony 
police, put the number of policemen presently in the tree 
state at 11,000; moreover, it should be taken into consid. 
eration that 10 to 1S percent of them have not yet been 
investigated by the Gauck Board for them role im the 
former GDR's machinery of oppression. “Despite a lot of 
recruitment, we need at least five years before we achieve 
the level of police presence in comparable western 
German laender,”” predicted the former head of the Spe 
cial Operations Unit of the Baden-Wuerttemberg Police 
who transferred to Saxony to assist in reorganization 

Police Burdened by Administrative Work 

There 1s a shortage of 1,000 officers at present im 
Thuringia’s police forces. According to the Land Police 
men's Union (GidFy, an additional 1,000 policemen 
tasked with administrative work could casily be sub- 
tracted from the approximately 7.000 policemen. The 
Gauck Board has only examined 20 percent of the 
members in the mid-level ranks, so that “many per 
sonnel surprises” are still possible. Minister of the Inte 
rior Franz Schuster 1s accused of wanting internal secu- 
rity at the cheapest rate. Thus, this year he allocated only 
one-third of the DM17 millon needed for communica- 
tions equipment. Schuster shifts the blame for this 
situation to Bonn. All castern German laender are 
dependent on western Germany for funding, and if there 
are cutbacks there, then there 1s even less to go around in 
the east. 

FBIS-W EL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

In Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, the calamity in 
internal security 1s not as apparent because of the 
shortage of policemen, though here too 700 officers too 
few were hired. In this case the old GDR (radio) equip- 
ment 1s particularly hampering the work of investigation 
and criminal prosecution. Until modern communica- 
tions facilitees are brought in, the region between Schw- 
erin and Greifswald will be a lucrative target for crimi- 
nals with fast cars and western-type radios. 

In Saxony-Anhalt, they want to counter personnel short- 
ages with female reinforcements by the end of the year. 
As Alfred Tilch, commander of the standby police, 
announced, 336 of the current 714 police cadets are 
women. They are no longer to be employed solely for 
administrative tasks but directly in crime-fighting. Fifty 
women will have completed their training by the end of 
the year and will then reinforce Saxony-Anhalt’s six 
police platoons undergoing reorganization. 

In view of the fact that, next to Dresden, the area 
between Cottbus and Koenigs Wusterhausen ts the main 
area of concentration of eastern Germany's extremist 
groups and that common criminality in the German- 
Polish border regions has virtually exploded, Branden- 
burg’s Minister of the Internor Alwin Ziel (SPD [Social 
Democratic Party of Germany]) announced an imme- 
diate augmentation of police forces that now number 
9 200 officers. 

FDP Presidential Candidacy Problems Assessed 
Y3ENO6074 Frankfurt/Main FRANKFURTER 
ALLGEMEINE in German 15 Jun 93 p 4 

{Article by Claus Gennrich: “The FDP Could Have One, 
but Doesn't—The ‘Candidate’ To Succeed Weiz- 

[Text] Bonn, 14 Jun—Federal Chancellor Kohl does not 
expect former Foreign Minister Genscher to yield to 
urging from the FDP [Free Democratic Party] to run for 
the office of president. Following the Bundestag election 
in 1990, Kohl asked Genscher if he would be willing to 
succeed Weizsaecker in 1994. Genscher had turned the 
offer down. Apparently, Genscher has now once again 
signaled that he has not changed his mind. In this 
connection, one hears in Bonn that, after two heart 
attacks and just-completed inpatient treatment for 
renewed heart rhythm disturbances, Genscher does not 
feel up to the physical demands made of a head of state 
with the frequent trips abroad. It 1s pointed out that, 
during his five-year term of office, a president must also 
make state visits to countries that present difficult chi- 
matic conditions. 

Another explanation is perhaps even more likely. 
Deputy FDP chairwoman Schwaetzer, who knows the 
current honorary party chairman very well from her days 
as the former FDP general secretary under then party 
chairm oa Genscher, and later as his state minister in the 
Foreign Office, 1s convinced when she says that “Gen- 
scher doesn’t want to run.” According to her, it would be 


a terrible prospect for Genscher, as the president. to be 
compelled in election year 1994 to conduct himself in a 
largely unpolitical manner. Aside from the signal effect 
that might emanate from Genscher’s election as head of 
state for the formation of the future coalition, depending 
on the support for his election received from the Union 
parties (Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social 
Union] or others, it would not be possible for the 
president to play an effective role during the campaign 

He would be of little help to his party in this position, she 
stated. For Genscher, 11 1s the party that 1s most mmpor- 
tant, however, he knows that new party chairman Ainkel 
will urgently need the support of campaigners Genscher 
and Lambsdorff, especially in eastern Germany. Gen- 
scher wants to apply his efforts on this behalf, she feels, 
and besides that does not want to tie himself down fos 
five years. 

Anyway, it 1s still too early now. If, at the Epiphany 
meeting of the FDP in Stuttgart on 6 lanuary of next 
year, it looks as if it will most likely be possible to 
preserve the coalition in Bonn following the clection im 
the fall, the FDP will support a president proposed by 
Kohl during the election in the Federal Assembly in 
May, even if his name ts not Genscher. If, however, asa 
result of the trend in opimion polls or other indications, 
the FDP should early next year come to the conclusion 
that Kohl 1s steering toward a grand coalition with the 
SPD [Social Democratic Party of Germany] and that, in 
preparation for sech an alliance, he would be willing to 
accept a candidate of the SPD to succeed Weissaecker, 
“then we must get to the SPD faster than the CDU” The 
FDP would then help elect a Social Democratic Federal 
president, if need be. Applicable to all possible constel- 
lations 1s the “need for the FDP to be strong” Only if it 
does well in the Bundestag election would the FDP have 
a chance to continue to participate in the government ta 
Bonn, regardless who its coalition partner might be. It rs 
for that reason that Genscher 1s giving precedence to his 
serving as a Campaigner. 

It can be widely heard within the FDP that the recom 
mendations for Genscher’s candidacy at the party con- 
gress in Muenster were intended to show that: “We have 
someone who would be a good candidate, if the CDU 
wants to propose someone else, they will have to discuss 
it with us.” The FDP 1s making 1 clear that they are stull 
in the game and want to be taken seriously and listened 
to. This 1s the explanation given by party executive 
member Baum. North Rhine-Wesiphahan land 
chairman Mocliemann, who took the lead in Muenster 
on Friday in appealing to Genscher to run, expressed 
himself similarly afterwards: “The FDP can show proof 
that we would have a candidate” Conditions had 
changed recently, he said, since Kohl was apparently 
unable to find a suitable candidate, after having tried 
and failed with a Protestant from Mecklenburg and a 
Catholic from Saxony, and then also striking out with the 
president of the Federal Constitutional Court, Herzog 
The event in Muenster, as the last FDP party congress 


before the election of the president, had been the 
appropriate forum for taking the offensive—which 
according to Moellemann was not prearranged. 

On Monday, it could be heard at FDP headquarters in 
Bonn that Kinkel had, to be sure, repeated the appeal to 
Genscher at the party congress, but that he had also 
cushioned this by saying that Genscher had chosen a 
moderate course. On Saturday, Kinkel had called Gen- 
scher his favorite candidate, but had added that Gen- 
scher had once again said that he was not available. “We 
must respect that.” But Genscher, as well, must “respect 
the fact that we continue to feel that he would be the best 
candidate.” Kinkel announced that further efforts would 
be made with respect to Genscher: “I still haven't given 
up hope of moving him close to where we want to be.” 
Moellemann, even though he had stolen the march on 
him, immediately seized fhe opportunity to ride on 
Kinkel’s coattails: He and Kinkel intended to try jointly 
to get Genscher to give in. 

Meanwhile, Genscher left no doubt that he meant it when 
he rejected the candidacy offer. Following Moellemann’'s 
speech, he immediately angrily dictated a statement con- 
sisting of two laconic sentences: He had repeatedly said 
that he was not available as a candidate; “this would not 
change.’ However, he would gladly run one more time for 
the Bundestag. He made it perfectly clear that he did not 
agree with the campaign [to get him to accept the candi- 
dacy]. Persons who saw and heard him feel convinced that 
Genscher's rejection was not a tactical move. Kinkel’s 
seconding the motion is being justified with the fact that 
what he meant was that “one can reject such an offer and 
still be the best possible candidate.’ Many in the FDP are 
hoping that Genscher has not spoken the last word. In the 
FDP in Bonn, the word is that Genscher wants to stay in 
control of the process. At the moment, he ts still resolved 
not to take on this burden. But it could be that the 
pressure will become so great that in the end he will 
change his mind. “If Genscher wants to become president, 

25 June 1993 

he will.” If he should finally bring himself to accept, “his 
agreement would extend far into other political camps, so 
that the majority issue would play no role.” Within the 
FDP, it ts being assumed that, if he were to reverse his 
position, no one would accuse him of always having said 
no. Instead, “relief would predominate over the fact that 
Genscher had let himself be “talked into accepting the 
candidacy after all." The pressure on Genscher is 
mounting, because not a week passes without someone's 
being named as a possible candidate to succeed Weiz- 
saecker. A clarification of the situation is little by little 
becoming urgent. 

One of the founders of the New Forum in the GDR, the 
civil mghts proponent Jens Reich, was proposed on 
Monday by a group of intellectuals of varying political 
persuasion to become the next Federal president. Reich 
declared his willingness to accept the candidacy. The 
chairman of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, 
Bubis, was one of the signers of the initiative. Bubrs took 
part in the FDP party congress in Muenster as a delegate. 
Professors Lepenies, Konrad Schily, and Baring, the 
Berlin theologian Schroeder and author Monika Maron, 
the copublisher of this newspaper, Fest, Social Demo- 
crats Harpprecht and Schorlemmer, Greens Cohn- 
Bendit and Antje Vollmer, and others based their nom- 
ination on the fact that the 54-year old Reich, a medical 
doctor and biologist, had, within his own person, over- 
come the antithesis between the old and the new laender, 
combined loyalty to principles with tolerance, and 
placed the conciliation of interests above conflict. This 
was not a symbolic but a “success-oriented™ candidacy, 
it was claimed. For that reason, talks had been con- 
ducted with all parties. Reich was a member of the freely 
elected GDR People’s Chamber and \as a recipient of 
the “Theodor-Heuss-Award.” Nevertheless, the FDP 
views this initiative with reservations, Kohl and acting 
SPD chairman Rau, who may run himself, apparently 
attach only limited importance to this mitiative 

25 June 1993 

Mitterrand Hits EC Delays Over Bosnian Safe 

PM 2406145293 Paris LE MONDE in French 24 Jun 93 

{Claire Trean report on French President Francois Mit- 
terrand 22 June remarks in Copenhagen: ““If It Were 
Here It Would Be Done in Two Hours,” Mitterrand Says 
in Copenhagen About Safety Areas”] 

[Text] Copenhagen—After an early-morning conversation, 
mainly devoted to Bosnia, with Chancellor Kohl Tuesday 22 
June, Francois Mitterrand started a new debate on this crisis 
among the Twelve—just before the end of the Copenhagen 
su mmit—with a view to securing a pledge by the Commu- 
nity to take part direcily, *y sending out blue helmets and by 
providing funds, in the establishment of the “safe areas” for 
the Muslim populations. 

The document previous drawn up by the foreign ministers 
cited the Twelve’s attachment to the integrity of the 
Bosnian State and the quest for a solution acceptable to all 
three sides (Serbs, Croats, and Muslims). With regard to 
the “safety areas’’—whose establishment was envisaged 
by UN resolution 836 in order to protect the civilian 
populaiions of Sarayevo and five Muslim enclaves in 
eastern Bosnia—the document confined itself to reaf- 
firming the Europeans’ support, without any specific 
commitment on their part. It was this section that Mr. 
Mitterrand vigorously reacted to, describing it as “the 
only important passage in the document, the rest being 
mere affirmations of principle some of which have already 
lost their substance” or “are in danger of being contra- 
dicted.” “The question 1s quite simple,” the president 
said: “Are we willing to provide troops to the United 
Nations to protect the ‘safety areas’? If the answer is ‘no,’ 
we might as well decide right away to leave and to tell the 
Muslims to defend themselves with their own resources. If 
the answer 1s “yes,” we need to say how many men, what 
equipment, and which contingents.” 

“France,” Mr. Mitterrand continued, “already has 5,000 
men there involved in humanitarian operations. 

“They could be reassigned to possible combat duties (the 
new FORPRONU mandate permits “blue helmets” to 
respond with force in the event of an aggression--LE 
MONDE editor's note). France will be present, but who 
else will make an effort?” Pointing out that the United 
Nations reckons that an additwnal 7,500 men are 
needed to reinforce FORPRONU to create the “safety 
areas,’ the president added: “This is not beyond 
Europe's means.” Last, he condemned the procrastina- 
tions preventing the implementation of this resolution, 
adopted almost a month ago with the intention of 
providing a response to the emergency situation. “If it 
were one of our own cities, how long would it take? Two 
hours. And we have been talking about it for weeks!” If 
the Europeans are not prepared to make a commitment 


to these safety areas, “then we must not adopt (UN) 
resolutions, we must lift the arms embargo and bring our 
trrops home.” 

The Twelve agreed to amend their document, making a 
collective pledge to take part in the impleme: ‘ation of 
resolution 836, each being supposed to contribute 
“according to its abilities.” However, apart from the 
announced redeployment of the French “blue helmets, 
only the New Zealanders so far have promised reinforce- 
ments, though without saying how many. 

At his press conference Mr. Mitterrand returned to the 
lifting of the arms embargo urged by Chancellor Kohl, 
saying that he “understands this position,” but that he 
possibility of creating “safety areas” would make it 
“obsolete.” “It 1s a desperate solution,” he added. “But if 
this too (the “safety areas*—LE MONDE editor's note) 
fails, how can the Bosnian Muslims be forbidden from 
defending themselves”” 

Mitterrand Criticism of EC Policy Viewed 
PM 2406145093 Paris LE MONDE in French 24 Jun 93 

[Editorial: “Outburst”] 

[Text] The main thing that people will remember about 
Francots Mitterrand’s remarks about Bosnia on 22 June 
is their tone: this burst of energy, this outburst of clear 
speaking, confronting everyone with their respons:bili- 
ties, which at the last moment prevented the Copen- 
hagen summit from amounting to no more than just 
another of the distressing rhetorical exercises whereby 
the Twelve have strived in vain for the past 2 years to 
conceal, behind declarations of principle, their impo- 
tence, their divisions, and their guilty conscience with 
regard to the former Yugoslavia. 

What Mr. Mitterrand achieved is just still words: a 
commitment by the Community to play a direct role im 
creating the “safety areas” that 1 demands—a pledge 
that 1s jointly binding in principle, though we saw on 
Tuesday how little enthusiasm it prompts among the 
members states individually. Who will protect the 
Muslim enclaves’? And when? These questions remained 
unanswered at the Copenhagen summit. However, one 
voice did speak out at the Community summit to express 
how shameful it would be for Europe to leave its imple- 
mentation to “volunteers” from Tunisia, Pakistan, 
Malaysia, or even... poor Bangladesh! 

Making a break also with the hypocrisy and reservations 
of which he himself has not been innocent since the start 
of the Yugoslav crisis, Mr. Mitterrand spoke bluntly 
about the fine principles again asserted by the Twelve in 
their communique, saying that they were cither already 
“without substance” or likely to be promptly contra- 
dicted. Will Bosnia remain a united state, as the Twelve 
proclaim? “It is up to the diplomats to monitor that,” 
according to Mr. Mitterrand, who is evidently not pre- 
pared to swear to 1t and who does not seem resolutely 


attached to it. The essential thing, he said, 1s for each 
community “to have its duc.” 

Though they have never admitted ut, the European states 
have reduced the ambitions of their policy in Bosnia as the 
Serbian conguests have increased. What is left are the 
Muslim enclaves that the Community intends to defend 
without equipping itself with the means to do so. Apart from 
Goradze, they are no longer actual theaters of the war, which 
1s now being waged in central Bosma. Nevertheless, they 
remain the last chance for Europe's credibility, the only 
valid one as far as Mr. Mitterrand is concerned, as 
demanded by a humanitarian policy which was illustrated a 
year ago by the chief of state's visit to Sarajevo but which, as 
Mr. Izetbegovic fully realized, also entails France’s nonin- 
volvement in the actual conflict. 

One of the reasons why Mr. Mitterrand decided to raise 
the stakes Tuesday 1s that Mr. Kohl was no longer able to 
defend the ambiguities of Europe's policy to his public. 
Germany was about to distance itself from the Commu- 
nity to jon Washington and Ankara in a stance which 
has the merit of apparent consistency (if we are not 
defending the Muslims, then let us allow them to defend 
themselves) but the demerit of being simplistic. So much 
$0 that it 1s not clear what would be the effect of a lifting 
of the arms embargo, unless accompanied by steadfast 
military measures. 

Paris To Support Congolese President's Prime 

LD2406141293 Paris Radio France international in 
French 1230 GMT 24 Jun 93 

{Excerpts} So Congo has been seized by the Zairean 
syndrome. Things have moved very quickly. This at least 
is what 1s thought in Paris where only the government 
named by the elected president, President Lissouba, 1s 
recognized. Here 1s Assane Diop: 

[Diop] For the French Diplomacy and Cooperation 
Ministries, it 1s not correct to speak of a Zairean syn- 
drome after the setting up of a competing government by 
the Congolese opposition. Faced with the team given to 
Joachim Yhomti-Opango by Pascal Lissouba, and the 
one given to Jean-Pierre Thystere-Tchicaya by the oppo- 
sition coalition, France 1s giving unambiguous support 
to the government designated by the head of state. This 
is what an authorized source in Paris has told us. 
[passage omitted] 

Paris’ support for Lissouba's government can be seen in the 
message of congratulations sent by the French Government 
to Lissouba after the first round of legislative elections on 2 
May. At the time the Presidential Tendency only needed 
one seat to obtain the absolute majority. 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

Attack Ends on Turkey's Consulate in Marseille 

LD2406124693 Pans France-iInter Radio Network in 
French 1200 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Several Turkish diplomatic missions were 
attacked by Kurds thrs morning. In Marseille. the hos- 
tage-takers released their hostages. The prefect allowed 
the Kurds to speak to journalists. That was thei only 
demand. Oliver Martoque has more: 

{[Martogue] The hostage-taking lasted cxactly three 
hours. At about 1000, some 10 Kurds, including two 
women, calmly walked into the consulate. under the 
pretext of getting their visas renewed. When they got to 
the ground floor, what turned out to be a separatrst 
commando squad got out handguns and grenades, 
pointed them at the concierge, a security agent, and eight 
people coming to ect thei passports. 

Then they trned to get to the first floor to take the consul 
hostage. They failed: Warned by security cameras, he 
had time to barricade himsclf into an armored room 
with members of the consulate 

The police arrived swiftly, negotiations started at 1200, 
at 1300 they came to an end. The hostage-takers received 
permission to speak to the media and read out a com- 
plicated two-minute text. Then the hostage-takers were 
taken to headquarters for questioning 

Fishermen Step Up Actions Against Non-FC 

AU 2406103593 Paris AFP in Eenelish 1010 GMI 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Lorient, France, June 24 (AFP)}—About 200 fish 
ermen broke into a freezing factory here Thursday [24 
June}, destroying tonnes of fish, as French fishermen 
stepped up action on the second day of protests against 
imports and low prices 

In another incident, a fire broke out after an apparent 
arson attack on a refrigerated depot im Samt-Cruenole 
early Thursday, destroying 250 tonnes of frozen fish as 
40 firemen tried to fight the blaze 

But a leader of the fishermen’s protest, Andre Le Berre. 
said in Luxembourg it was an “isolated menent by a 
provocateur trying to discredit our movement.” 

In Lonent, police rushed to the Surgclation Lonentarse 
factory, a subsidiary of the Canadian group International 
Sea, using tear gas to try to disperse the fishermen, some 
with their wives, after they broke through the doors 

The protestors destroyed the contents of two freezer 
rooms with fish notably from Chile, Alaska, Iccland and 

The factory said the damage was “extensive” and est: 
mated losses at about five million francs (about 900.000 

25 June 1993 

There were minor clashes between the fishermen and 

police. The protestors pushed over a police van with 15 
officers inside though there were no reported injured. 

The attack was part of a so-called “dead sea” protest 
launched in Rennes Wednesday morning, where fishing 
boats remained in port and fishermen occupied a 
number of maritime offices. 

The operation, organized by a “Committee for the 
Survival of Fishing” headed by Le Berre, was planned to 
last 36 hours to put pressure on European Community 
ministers meeting in Luxembourg Thursday. 

The fishermen, worried over a declining market, fear 
temporary measures taken four months ago to set min- 
imum prices for six fish species and impose controls on 
a0n-European Community imports will not be extended 
past their June 30 expiration date. 

A European diplomatic source in Brussels Thursday 
conceded that “nothing for the moment points to an 

Le Berre, who led a delegation of French, Spanish. 
Scottish and Irish fishermen to Luxembourg, said the 
protest was directed at “extra~-Community import which 
we must chase out.” 

Other incidents were reported in the port of Concarneau, 
also in the Brittany region of western France, where 50 
fishermen Thursday smeared slogans, including “No to 
imports,” across an 87-meter (287-foot) factory ship that 
processes fish for the Intermarche foods retail group. They 
then set fire to tires and old nets in port and in town. 

In Rosporden, several dozen fishermen blocked a high- 
speed TGV train on the Quimper-to-Paris line for an 
hour-and-a-half, smearing it with anti-import slogans. 

About 30 fishermen occupied a bridge at La Roche- 
Bernard on the Morbihan region, forcing a traffic slow- 

Outside France, about 30 German fishing boats blocked 
the entrance to the Kiel canal at Brunsbuettel Thursday 
to protest fish imports and push for government aid to 
the fishing sector. 

The protest, started by 20 boats Wednesday, paralyzed 
traffic on the canal, which provides a shoricut to avoid 
going around Denmark. 

Balladur Urged to Accept Debate on Policy 
PM 2406095893 Paris LE FIGARO in French 23 Jun 93 

{Jean Bothorel report: “The Time of ‘Cultural Revolu- 

{Text} After the parliamentary elections, nobody in the 
ranks of Rally for the Republic [RPR] and the Union for 
French Democracy [UDF] had reason to express any 


doubt about the political strategy which had led to the 
appointment of Edouard Balladur as prime minister, to 
the formation of the government, and to Jacques 
Chirac’s “calculated” withdrawal. 

Edouard Balladur was rightly credited with two quali- 
tres: On the one hand he was thought to be capable of 
maintaining relations with the head of state which are 
courteous in form but very firm in content; and he was 
also recognized as being capable of containing any 
attempt at revolt among ministers and in the ranks of the 
parliamentary majority through the respect he inspires 
and his charisma. 

The government, carefully balanced on the party front— 
with a slight advantage to the Centrists to ensure that the 
RPR shows its good will—was characterized by a con- 
cern for a young team with new faces. Jacques Chirac 
was seen as the overall! director of the new government, 
especially in view of the fact that Philippe Seguin's 
installation as speaker completed the picture of an oper- 
ation which had been very well executed 

The first opinion polls in which Edouard Balladur came 
out very well, confirmed the idea that there was decid- 
edly no alternative to the strategic choices made in 

It has taken less than 100 days for the fine edifice, 
apparently so strong, to show cracks. The way in which 
Philippe Seguin’s views have been received bears witness 
to that. Is all discussion of economic and social policy 
within the majority banned, as was discussion on the 
Gulf War in the past? Discordant voices are being asked 
to remain silent because, we are repeatedly told, no other 
policy 1s possible. 

Although there 1s no reason to overdramatize the situa- 
tion at present, there 1s real tension in the RPR-UDF 
camp and it is difficult to dismiss it in the name of 
“cohesion and national solidarity,” to use the prime 
minister's words. At all events, the speeches made by the 
National Assembly speaker on 14 and 16 June—one to 
the Pericles Circle, the other to the Forum of the 
Future—have been fairly crudely carscatured. For those 
who have taken the trouble to read the two texts—-and 
not just to skim through them—it 1s impossible to give 

as has been donc, a set image of Philippe Seguin as « 
blinkered protectionist, an obsessive anti-European, or a 
blind advocate of the devaluation of the franc. What 
essentially did he actually say” 

i. Contrary to official statements, employment has not 
been a priority for years. Employment has always been 
subordinated to the requirements of financial profit- 
ability. Without, of course, disregarding the impact of 
these requirements, Mr. Seguin wishes to reverse the 
order of priorities and resiore the real purpose of the 
economy—to ensure that individuals flourish by guaran- 
teeing them work 

This is not simply a declaration of intent on his part. He 
is announcing very concrete measures to launch this 


change of direction: Separating the rules which apply to 
the protected sector of the economy from those which 
apply to the sectors exposed to ‘nternational compcti- 
ton, returning to “wage flexibility”; drawing inspiration 
from certain Japanese and American practices... 

2. GATT 1s no longer appropriate and we must “envisage it 
being replaced by an organization which respects the sover- 
cignty of states, an organization which would naturally be 
included in the framework of the UN organization.” 

In what way ts this idea iconociastic? The postwar world 
economy—although this economy was “glorious” for the 
West for 30 years—has been under American supervi- 
sion and structures like GATT or the IMF were the 
instruments of that supervision. That was being taught in 
political science departments in the sixties... Is it incon- 
ceivable and irresponsible to envisage a reform of this 
syst-m based on the ruins of the war, created to rebuild 
Europe im a climate of East-West tension” 

Moreover, questioned on GATT by Jean-Marie Cavada 
on the program “The March of the Century,” Edouard 
Baliadur, although he did not go as far as Philippe 
Seguin, moved in the same direction, particularly on the 
subject of “reciprocity.” Europe, the National Assembly 
speaker said, cannot be “open without any reciprocity, to 
the detriment of the notion of Community preference.” 

3. A major realignment of monetary parities between 
Europe, the United States, and Asia strikes him as vital 
and urgent. This logically leads him to condemn the 
Maastricht treaty which, by consolidating the “hard 
core” of the European Monetary System automatically 
contributes to the excessively high valuation of some 
European currencies. Is making such an observation to 
advocate the devaluation of the franc? Is it not rather to 
show the limits of a model dominated solely by the 
ideology of a strong currency? 

Although some people may regret the controversial tone 
of the expression “a social Munich” which Mr. Seguin 
used, it at least has the advantage of referring to the 
deflationist and monetarist policy which characterized 
the thirties—the policy pursued by the Laval govern- 
ment in 1935 and which it 1s useful to contemplate in 
1993. It must to said that the monctarist model imple- 
mented 60 years later by the Rocard, Beregovoy, and 
Balladur governments and by the Treasury experts 1s 
virtually unchanged. 

Indeed. Philippe Seguin's approach 1s comprehensive, 
and it is certainly coherent. In this sense, it is like a 
veritable political program and not just a catalog of 
decisions. Many deputies are aware of that. “The big 
bang has not taken place on the Left, it has just taken 
place on the Right, under Seguin’s leadership,” a UDF 
deputy said. 

That 1s probably why the “cultural revolution” which the 
National Assembly speaker wants, will gradually gain accep- 
tance. For the time being, the government's response has 
been tactical. No troublemakers. Now that Philippe Seguin 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

has opened the breach, it 1s highly likely that the govern- 
ment will not be able to avoid a detailed debate on its 
economic and social policy for much longer 

Seguin Remarks Evoke ‘Criticism,’ 

PM2306150793 LE MONDE in French 19 Jun 93 p 10 

[D.C. report: “Sharp Criticism Among U'1>* and Embar- 
rassment Among RPR After Mr. Seguin’s Statements” ] 

[Text] The call by Philippe Seguin [chairman of the 
National Assembly] 16 June for a “complete reversal” of 
the government's sconomic, social, and European 
choices has sent a shock wave through the majority and 
the government. The criticisms have been very sharp 
within the Union for French Democracy [UDF] whereas 
in the Rally for the Republic [RPR] there was evident 

Very Barre-like on this occasion and trying to suggest 
that he 1s preoccupied with essential matters. Edouard 
Balladur feigned indifference 17 June after Mr. Seguin’s 
speech, which effectively proposed an alternative policy 
to his own, when he gave this sly answer to pournalists in 
the courtyard of the Hotel Matignon: “That's politics'” 

Many ministers and members of parliament were less 
inclined to brevity. Some were eypecially upset that Mr. 
Seguin departed from the duty of reserve which they 
think is required of the chairman of the National 
Assembly. “When you have responsibilities tke that,” 
centrist Deputy Jean-Jacques Hyest sand, “you do not 
start by sniping at the government you are supposed to 
support.” “Did the RPR do the nght thing mm presenting 
as candidate for chairman of the Natronal Assembly a 
man who is so far removed from the policy of the 
majority”? Did we in the UDF do the nght thing in voting 
for him when I see how he capresses himself” Herve de 
Charette, pro-Giscard housing minister, wondered 
Jean-Louis Debre. assistant secretary general of the 
RPR, was more tolerant: “lt 1s normal for a man like 
Philippe Seguin to cxpress his opimon, but there is a 
1 nit bere, namely the need to support the government's 


Leaving aside these formal reservations, it 1 the crux of 
Mr. Seguin’s remarks which has naturally attracted most 
criticism. The sharpest reactions have come from the 
UDF. Whereas Economy Minister Edmond Alphandery 
contented himself with porting out that it was not “by 
means of artificial measures to stimulate demand” that 
the employment problem will be resolved, Cerard 
Longuct, industry minister and chairman of the Repub- 
hean Party, and Herve de Charetic were harshest mn their 

In Mr. Lorguct’s opimon, Philippe Seguin 1s guilty of 
“historical nonsense.” Hrs idea of suppressing GATT 1s 
nothing more than an “amusing joke.” “France has to be 

25 June 1993 

defended abroad, in London and Frankfurt, not in 
clandestine mectings,” he declared. “Mr. Seguin’s stand- 
points,” Mr. de Charette added, “are extremely dan- 
gerous for France and if acted upon would lead to real 

There was no comment from the RPR ministers apart from 
Francois Fillon, minister of higher education and research. 
Unfortunately for him. Heedir= only the call of his heart, 
this close colleague of Philippe Seguin explained Thursday 
morning that the latter “had defended ideas that many of us 
share and that are noi far removed from the government's 
concerns.” That evening Mr. Fillon remembered that he was 
a minister aid proclaimed his “complete solidarity with the 
policy pursued by Edouard Balladur, the only possible 
policy im our country, bearing in mind its financial and 
economic state.” 

Equally embarrassed, Bernard Pons, chairman of the RPR 
group in the National Assembly, was unwilling to abandon 
“officialese™: “For the time being there 1s a policy pursued 
by the government and supported by the majority, in 
particular by the RPR.” Pierre Mazeaud, his “companion” 
and chairman of the National Assembly's Legislative Com- 
mission, who is also close to Seguin, was more voluble. “If 
the present derections are insufficient,” he suggested, “per- 
haps something else should be envisaged, employment 
being the French people's main concern.” 

So far Mr. Seguin has found his only real support on the 
left, from Jean-Pierre Chevenement, and from the 
farmers of Rural Coordination. Mr. Seguin had spoken 
of a “social Munich.” The president of the Citizens 
Movement has denounced the “latter-day Vichyites, 
who revive the refrain of the danger of an isolated France 
the moment it dares to resist... Faced with the facts, the 
free traders on all sides lose their composure.” Jacques 
Laigneau, president of Rural Coordination, hailed what 
he sees as the “political courage™ of the chairman of the 
National Assembly. 

Minister Defends Amended Nationality Provisions 

PM 2406104593 Paris LE MONDE in French 19 Jun 93 

{Article by Pierre Mchaigneric, president of the Social 
Democratic Center and Justice Minister: “A Document 

Designed for Integration If...”] 

[Text] The document to reform the nationality code 
which is presently receiving its second reading in the 
Senate has been criticized for undermining the equilib- 
rium of the Marceau Long report and for certain amend. 
ments which make the document more ngorous. I would 
like to recall here the reasons why | thenk this equilib- 
rium has not been upset at all and why this document 1s 
indeed an instrument for integration and social cohe- 
sion, not one of exclusion or repression. 


First of all st takes up the central proposal of the Marceau 
Long cor. ~*ssion: The requirement that between the 
ages of 16 and 21 children born in France of foreign 
parents make a voluntary step to acquire [French] 
nationality. Before the age of 16 the position of these 
young people 1s not altered by this reform at all: They 
posses their parents’ nationality and enjoy the latter's 
right of residence. From the age of 16 they will be asked 
to make an act of responsibility and I, in conjunction 
with the ministers of social affairs and education, wili 
ensure thal every step 1s taken to provide them with very 
extensive information on this option. 

To be specific this step will in the future spare them the 
need to seek a certificate of nationality, which everyone 
used to have to do sooner or later in conditions which 
were often difficult. And they will no longer have the 
unpleasant shock of finding themselves confronted by 
convictions dating from when they were minors: Hence- 
forth no existing conviction or act committed during 
their minority can be regarded as obstacles to the acqui- 
sition of nationality. 

Elsewhere, an amendment accepted by the government 
has extended from one year to two the period that it 
takes the foreign spouse of a French citizen to sign a 
Statement of acquisition of nationality by marriage (a 
proposal of the Long commussion). The sole aim of this 
measure 1s to verify that the couple really are living 
together, and it seems to me commensurate with that 
aim. Should marnages of convenience, which corrupt 
the meaning of the institution and create a climate of 
suspicion prejudicial to the vast majority, be allowed to 
continue” My belief is that if integration is to succeed it 
presumes firmness regarding those who distort our laws. 

Finally, the scope of the amendment relating to children 
born in France of Algerian parents must be clarified. The 
Marceau Long commission proposed—and no one, to 
my knowledge, has critecized it for this—scrapping the 
application of dual jus soli [droit du sol] to nationals of 
the former colonies. Since independence in fact these 
people have lived in foreign countries as far as France 1s 
concerned and their integration into French society can 
no longer be taken for granted. 

Nevertheless, the status quo was maintained for Algeria 
because of an historical and legal peculiarity: Pror to 
independence Algeria did not have the status of a colony 
but of a French department. Nevertheless, do Algerian 
nationals have closer ties with France than the nationals 
of the former colonies because of that fact? Clearly not. 
If the amendment introduces a qualification of five 
years’ residence in France for the Algenan parent of a 
child born in France to enabie the latter to obtain French 
nationality at birth this rs specifically to verify its family 
has a minimum level of links with France. Is that not the 
very foundation of dual jus soli’ 

So it can be seen that this document remains faithful in 
its gencral outlines to the proposals of the Marceau Long 
commission and the two amendments quoted have not 


upset the equilibnum at all. | have lestened and been 
particularly sensitive to the comments and position of 
the church and the associations with whach | have met. I 
share thew analysis: This document will only be per- 
ceived as a document promoting imicgration if mt 1s 
augmented by positive accompanying measures relating 
first and foremost to information, assrstance, and recep- 
tion for young people. These measures will be taken 

Social Affairs Minister Warns Against 

PM02406153293 Paris LE MONDE in French 22 Jun 93 

[Jean-Claude Prerretic report: “Social Affairs Ministers 
Emphasizes France's ‘Tradition of Hospitality and 

[Text] On 24 May the general council of the Hauts- 
de-Seine department adopted the pilot study of the plan 
intended to combat urban segregation aimed at suppic- 
menting and redeploying the manpower and financial 
resources carmarked by the department for the harmo- 
mous development of cites. The plan 1s the product of 
an extensive dialogue among the principal parties 
involved, the clected representatives of the 4% com- 
munes in the department as well as social and profes- 
ssonal officials and associations and representatives of 
the areas in question. These groups met 19 June at the 
National Center for Industry and Technology for a day's 
exchanges of veews ending with the speech by Mrs. Vel 

After stressing the role of the general council among the 
“system of urban policy leaders.” Mrs. Veul placed 
emphasis on the “reception and integration of people of 
foreign ongin m the national community.” For the 
Minister of Towns “this aspect of the government's 
policy must be reaffirmed forcefully at a tome when draft 
laws on the granteng of French natronality and the 
campaign against illegal ommuigration are being debated 
in parliament.” For Mrs. Veil “the presence of foreigners 
im France 1s nevther an anomaly nor the unfortunate 
legacy of a forgotten past.” “Our country,” she sand, “has 
a long tradition of hospitality and openness, which are 
part of our sentity, and i 1s proud of that.” 

After speaking about the problems of reuniting families 
and access to French nationality, she concluded: “It 1s a 
question of demonstrating to all those who are worried, 
even though they have been living in France lawfully and 
m some cases for a long time. that they are full members 
of our society. They add to its success by thes work, their 
civil involvement, and by thew contribution to our 
culture. If they suffer, often crucily, from the problems 
that cxist in France, no one should dream of holding 
them responsible for those problems. Xenophobia 1s 
often the characteristic of a worned people who have 
forgoticn thei history. Ut 1s the duty of a great people to 
be fraternal.” 

Then, addressing the platform where the minister of the 
interior was finding t hard to hide his annoyance, she 

FRIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

declared: “You, my dear Charles [Pasqua], who fought 
for France's honor during the blackest days m our 
history, | know that you agree with thes demand, «1 1 the 
demand of the Republac'™ 

To enable the proceedings to be brought to a close 
Charles Pasqua declined to deliver his planned speech 
but instead addressed a few words of gratitude to all who 
had taken part in the mecting and to Simone Veil for 
having given up two hours of Ser tome for thes collo- 
quium. It was a vesit whoech cast a chill on the end of the 
day's work 

Two Ministers Challenge New Immigration Bill 
PV 24060910693 Pare, 1 MONDE in French 22 Jun 93 
? 8 

[Daniel Carton report: “Mechaignerie and Veil Highhght 
Vigilance of Mayority’s Center Pole” | 

[Text] Semone Veo [social affairs menester) and Prerre 
Mehaigneric [pustice minister] have written pountly to the 
prime minister to request “a correction” of the nmmugra- 
tron control bill adopted at the first reading by the 
National Assembly. The two muinrsters request the clim- 
mation of an amendment stating that wdentity controls 
can be carrtod out “on the bass of any factors permitting 
the presumption of foreign status, other than racial 
characteristics.” Charles Pasqua pomted out Sunday 
that “i 1s up to parhament to decide.” At ther political 
counci! sesson Saturday 19 June the CDS leaders also 
decided to step up pressure on the subjects of Europe and 
national development so as to reassert the vigilance of 
the majority's center pole 

Edouard Balladur did not need thes After the Seguin 
bulldozer, now the centrist awakening. The prime moenester 
rs cupervencing very immediately the dangers of having the 
centrist famely live together with the Pasqua-Seguin partner- 
ship. It 1s not really surprising. For some weeks the atmo- 
sphere between the intenor minster and the justice manrster 
has been detertorating. The impression was confirmed that 
an understanding was impossible Mr Pasqua’s entowrage 
complained openly of having been transformed imto “an 
islet of the RPR im the middie of an ocean of centrists.” 
Circles close to Mr. Mehaignerie also had the feeling of 
having been “swind!od.~ 

Simone Verl was waiting to see. But now the honeymoon, 
if there ever was one, 1s over. Mrs. Veil, who has 
attended every one of the centrist ministers’ Tuesday 
dinners since the government took office, did not hes- 
tate a moment to side with the justice minister. She 
wants to show that, whatever people may say, she wall 
not Compromise on mayor principles 

This spectacular planned public move by Mrs Veil and 
Mr. Mchaigneric-——who Sunday received the support of 
Mr. Millon, charrman of the UDF group m the Natronal 
Assembly —rs cheefly political, irrespective of the quals- 
fications made subsequently. Its maim purpose 1s to call 

25 June 1993 

attention to and to reassert the vigilance of the centrist 
pole within the government and the majority at a time 
when an extreme mght wing 1s gaining the strength to 
impose itself, 

The very method chosen is not insignificant. Mr. Millon 
and the center deputies have only themselves to blame. If 
tLey had been in parliament Thursday. they could have 
buried the famous Marsaud amendment. Only three 
UDF deputies voted against it. The other benches were 
empty. It can be assumed that Mrs. Veil and Mr. 
Mehaignerie wanted to make up for this irresponsible 
behavior. Their approach to the prime minister could 
have remained secret forever. Mrs. Veil was wrong to be 
upset by the publication of the letter. Mr. Mchaigneriec. 
who made a disclosure to AFP Saturday evening, was the 
first to blame... 

So there was a deliberate and coordinated desire on the 
part of both muinisters—perhaps coordinated with the 
Hotel Matignon?—to corner Edouard Balladur. To 
counter Mr. Pasqua’s omnidirectional offensive. of 
which they consider Judge Alain Marsaud the armed 
wing in parliament. To make a point and also to reassure 
center voters who are permanently afraid of being eaten 
up by the hard liners of the RPR. Mr. Mehaignerie 1s 
keeping his word to Socialist leaders willing to encourage 
him for once. 

This proved surprising, as may be imagined. When he 
joined the government he stated his ambition “to act as 
the spur” for the government. At that time Mrs. Ver! said 
that, by accepting Edouard Balladur's offers. the cen- 
insts “had won in terms of freedom”. but people did not 
take it seriously. On both immigration and Europe. the 
CDS chairman said that there were “two red lines that 
cannot be crossed.” 

With regard to Europe, the centrists indicated at last 
Saturday's political council session thet they do not 
intend to soften thei stance. Philippe Seguin was 
strongly critecized, with a volley of ungencrous remarks 
The National Assembly speaker was accused by Jacques 
Barrot of “Quixotic” behavior, of “being a proud cock- 
erel listening to himscif crow”, by Dominique Baudis of 
being “a false prophet”, and by European deputy Fran- 
cows Froment-Meurice of in practice encouraging a 
“social Munich”. 

Al this same private meeting, Mr. Mchaignerie said that 
he was counting on forcing the pace on the subject of 
national development and hurrying Mr. Pasqua again 
“During the government seminar,” he revealed. “Mr 
Pasqua told us that there would be another debate and a 
planning law. We need 8-10 urgent measures, and that 
will be enough.” So further tensions can be cxpected 

To try to muffle these first jarring notes from the 
government orchestra. Mr. Balladur agreed to receive 


Mrs. Veil and Mr. Mchaignerie Tuesday on hes return 
from the European summit in Copenhagen. This episode 
is reminiscent of the Apm! 1982 dispute. also over 
identity checks, between another imtersor monuster, 
Gaston Deferre, and another justice minester, Robert 
Badinter. “The members of the government.” then 
Prime Minister Pecrre Mauroy concluded, “must be abic 
to take part ir the polrtical debate and can even nurture 
it. However, when a chcsce has been made and a decision 
ree hed, the government 1s solidly behind its umplemen- 
tation and will not tolerate any shifts.” It 1s untikely that 
Mr. Balladur’s response will be much different. Which 
way will he lean” 

Mr. Mehaigrerie’s assurance that he will be heard and 
his statement Saturday that “the centrists support Mr 
Balladur, who 1s implementing their program and who 
has the same world view as them” are two signs that 
permit us to assume that in the final analyses, as this 
affair evolves, the prime minister too will not be reluc- 
tant to state that 11 1s hes resolute intention to “govern at 
the center.” This, of course, as long as it does not cause 
people to suspect that he 1s governing only. for the 

National Assembly Passes Nationality Code 

LDISO608S593 Paris trance Inter Radio Network in 
brench O800 GMT OS Jun 92 

{Text} Last might. the National Assembly definitively 
passed the reform of the nationality code: 486 votes were 
cast in favor and 89 against. The Socialist deputies, who 
like their Communist counterparts voted against the bill, 
have announced that they intend to submit the matter to 
the Constitutional Council, The main measure con- 
tarned in the text 1s that young people born om France of 
foreign parents will no longer automatically become 
French as of nght at the age of 18 but will have to cxupress 
a wish for this between the ages of 16 and 21 

Sea-Travel to Corsica Resumes as Strike Fads 

10 2806112293 Paris AVP in Enelish ISI9 GMI 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Marseilles, France, June 24 (AF P)—Sea travel 
was re-established on Thursday [24 June] between Cor- 
sica and mamlar 3 France, as striking sanlors decided to 
resume work 

The sailors of the Societe Nationale Corse-Mediterrance 
(SNCM), belonging to the CGT labor contederation 
(close to the Communrst Party), won recognitron 1 then 
union representation neghts and san ncegotiatrons would 
be scheduled as soon as possible on other clarms 

The strike had been voted Wednesday morning and was 
supposed to last for 72 hours 


Defense, Foreign Ministers Urge Review of 
Somalia Situation 

PM2406153693 Milan IL GIORNALE in Italian 
24 Jun 93 p 13 

(“E. Mel.” report: “Rome Irritated: Duties Must Be 

[Excerpt] Rome—A diplomatic crisis between Rome, 
Washington, and the United Nations will not be caused 
by the incident in which Aleandro Partenza, one of our 
boys from the Folgore Division, was injured in the head 
by a tear-gas bomb launched against Somali demonstra- 
tors by U.S. Blue Helmets in Mogadishu. The incident, 
caused by thre Marines’ interference, without warning, in 
the sector entrusted to the Italian contingent, will have 
some consequences, however. In the words of [Italian 
contingent commander] General Bruno Loi, it is a ques- 
tion of establishing virtually immediately why the Ital- 
ians, whose troops are numerous and efficient, are being 
kept in the background by the United Nations in oper- 
ations in Somalia and their good relations with the local 
populace are not taken into sufficient consideration. 

Our Defense Minister Fabio Fabbri and our Foreign 
Minister Beniamino Andreatta are irritated. They are 
not making any fuss, but they are firm in their convic- 
tion—and Prime Minister Clamp agrees with them— 
that the situation in Somalia must be reviewed and that 
UN Secretary General Butrus-Ghali must issue proper 
orders to prevent conflict between Blue Helmet divisions 
of differing nationalities. That is the scenario within 
which Augelli, the Farnesina [Foreign Ministry] envoy to 
Somalia and a top expert on such matters, was recently 
recalled to Rome for consultations. [passage omitted] 

Military Requests Major Role in UNOSOM-II 

93ES0757A Milan PANORAMA in Italian 27 Jun 93 
pp 90-91 

[Article by Alvaro Ranzoni: “Mogadishu: Beautiful 
Land of Love™’] 

[Text] Somalia: Why the Italians wish to stay. 

They are establishing first-aid clinics, rebuilding markets, 
and maintaining order without firing a shot. And now 
they are asking the UN tf they can play a bigger role 

They do not want to go home, although some opposition 
parties are calling for their return. If it were up to them, 
they would take on the sole responsibility for this dev- 
astated Mogadishu. “And within a month we would be 
playing soccer in the street with our Somali friends,” said 
paratrooper Major Angelo Passafiume. “And whoever 
controls Mogadishu controls Somalia,” he added. As 
head of the Ibis troops’ intelligence unit, the officer 
knows what he is talking about. He ts the antenna that 
receives the anger, frustrations, and sentiments of the 
Mogadishu people for the Italians. He was the one who 
last week arrested General Ali Mohamed Elmi, known as 
Kadia, the greatest supporter of General Mohamed 

25 June 1993 

Farah Aidid’s faction, who was arrested by the UN 
command after the 5 June ambush that resulted in the 
death of 23 Pakistani solders. He tricked him into 
entering the Italian zone of the capital and calmly 
announced that he was under arrest, without a single 
shot being fired. 

Out of the 20 foreign companies, both large and small, 
that occupy the capital and southern Somalia (UN 
operations have never reached the central and northern 
regions), the Italians are the only ones that are applauded 
as they pass by. “Quite a change from the first days after 
our arrival when the best we could expect was to be 
assaulted by shouts of ‘Craxi, Pillitteri, and Mario Sico,” 
a mispronunciation of the name of our ambassador at 
that time. And then there was a long string of ‘up yours, 
“thieves,” and *‘Mafioso'—it was enough to make you 
blush from head to foot,” said another officer. 

Of course, the applause mostly came from that third of 
the capital under Italian supervision and from the large 
territory directly to the north, both lying in the area 
belonging to Ali Mahdi, the other war lord who 1s 
pro-Italian. But even in the two-thirds of the city con- 
trolled by Aidid, which the UNOSOM-II[UN Operation 
in Somalia-Il] command has assigned to 4,000 Pak:- 
stanis, there are no longer signs of hostility toward the 
Ibis troops. “At least they do not shoot at us,” explains 
Lieutenant Colonel Mano Bertolini, the officer who 
helped about 80 Pakistanis escape from the 5 June 
massacre without firing a shot. 


There is a long list of reasons why the Itahans and the 
Somalis seem destined to get along. First of all, the 
history and the language, which almost all Somalis 
understand. But above all, you have everything that the 
paratroopers have been able to do for the population 
during these six months, which no other contingent has 
done. “Above and beyond our duty,” explained the Ibis 
commander of operations. “We have tried to rebuild a 
minimum of health, social, and economic structures.” 
The Italians encouraged rebuilding the local police and 
reopening schools. They set up first aid clinics, repaired 
markets, cleaned streets, and even established the begin- 
nings of a postal service between Somalia and Italy. The 
founding of Radio Ibis by the dynamic Licutenant 
Colonel Antonino Torre has given the Somalis of Mog- 
adishu a precious opportunity for entertainment and 

Here is how they fixed up the so-called meat market at 
the head of Imperial Street. The market had grown too 
large and had blocked off the street. Payoffs were 
extorted from the merchants by the racket established by 
a local boss. High prices, chaos, thefts, and holdups were 
everyday events. On 14 May, Italian helicopters sud- 
denly descended over the market and patairoopers 
climbed down ropes to arrest the gang leader. Right after 

25 June 1993 

that, bulldozers leveled some land nearby where, to 
everyone’s advantage, the market could finally be 

“The Italians are the only ones among the various troops 
that act whenever they can to protect the people from theft 
and violence,” explained Dr. Stefania Pace, head of CISP, 
[expansion unknown], a health services organization that 
has always remained in operation in Mogadishu. She added: 
“The Somalis notice all this, and they react accordingly. In 
other words, these paratroopers have completely absolved 
the Italian government's image.” 

The reason the paratroopers’ morale continues to be high 
could be the fact that they feel they are accomplishing 
something useful in addition to their | 20-dollar daily allow- 
ance. “I like to be applauded and saluted,” says Carabiniere 
paratrooper Domenico Mancini who, together with para- 
trooper Gregorio Capano, performs guard duty at the gate of 
our embassy. “It is a beautiful experience from the human 
point of view,” added the latter. 

Right across the street, the paratroopers have opened a 
clinic on their own initiative. The line of women, old 
people, and children is sometimes hard to manage. But 
there are smiles everywhere. Some paratroopers ask to 
extend their service after their two- or three-month tours 
are up. They say: “It is not just for the 5 million lire a 
month, I swear.” With surfer’s glasses beneath his 
helmet, “flash back” hand grenades (that stun without 
killing) hanging from his bullet-proof vest, and armed 
with a menacing pump shotgun, the troops’ lieutenant, 
Giuliano Angelucci from Rome, looks like an Italian 
Rambo—a little ‘too slick’ but always smiling and very 
professional. “No, we have never shot into the crowd 
like it appears the Pakistanis did, even if we are sorely 
tried. There are many ways to avoid killing women and 
children. Otherwise, what have we come here to do? 

Greater responsibilities 

This is the very incident, which left 30 civilian victims 
dead, that led Defense Minister Fabio Fabbri to ask the 
American Admiral, Jonathan Howe, UN Secretary Gen- 
eral Butrus Butrus-Ghali’s personal representative in 
Mogadishu, for a drastic change in the Italian troops’ 
role in Somalia. 

The Italians want to play a more important role, espe- 
cially in determining UN policies toward the country. 
Enrico Augelli, Italian diplomatic representative and the 
only “ambassador” in the city, should be consulted more 
often by Howe. He knows Somalia like few others. 

Fabio Fabbri drew some criticism from the UN for his 
requests. However, it will be thanks to him if, in the 
future, they use less lethal weapons than machine guns 
for crowd control. 


Deputies Pass Amendments To Reform Bill 

PM2406152493 Rome LA REPUBBLICA in Italian 
23 Jun 93 p 7 

[Sebastiano Messina report: “Back-Benchers Rebel: 
Preference Vote Resurrected] 

[Excerpts] Rome—lIt will not be the parties choosing 25 
percent of the new deputies through “frozen” lists. With 
a totally unsurprising vote, the Chamber of Deputies 
adjusted the electoral reform bill by resurrecting the 
preference vote which rapporteur Sergio Mattarella had 
eliminated. If the Senate confirms this rule, we will vote 
in the next elections—only for the Chamber of Depu- 
ties—with two ballot papers and two different systems: 
With our first vote we will elect 75 percent of deputies in 
473 majority uninominal constituencies, while with the 
other vote we will choose one of the candidates from our 
favorite party for the allocation of the remaining 157 
seats by the proportional method. 

Three amendments covering the same ground, presented 
by Liberal member Egidio Sterpa, referendum leader 
Mario Segni, and Socialist member Felice Borgoglio, 
were passed with 283 votes in favor, 191 against, and 13 
abstentions. Interpreting the rebellion of many back- 
benchers against “frozen” lists, branded as a shortcut for 
the party oligarchies, Segni originally proposed that the 
system voted by the referendum for the Senate should 
apply in the Chamber of Deputies as well: Parliamentar- 
ians elected in the proportional quota must be the best 
among the uninominal constituency losers. But the Mon- 
tecitorio [parliament] assembly did not like that solu- 
tion, which was rejected by a wide majority. 

So the referendum leader submitted his amendment to 
introduce a single preference: “That is in line with the 9 
June referendum which cut preferences to only one, and 
anyway it is a lesser evil than ‘frozen’ lists,’ he 
explained. [passage omitted] 

Sterpa, illustrating his amendment, was very clear: “My 
fellow deputies are warned: If they wish to prevent 
‘frozen’ lists, if they wish to prevent party leaderships 
from deciding who is to be elected, then they must vote 
in favor.” 

[Rete member] Diego Novelli, fresh from the Turin 
mayoral battle, was the first to follow him: “These 
‘frozen lists’ would be an elephants’ graveyard, or a 
shortcut for those who do not feel up to submitting 
themselves to the electorate’s verdict.”’ [passage 

Rapporteur Mattarella expressed an unfavorable 
opinion, defending his own proposal, and he was joined 
by [Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) reform 
spokesman] Barbera and also [Radical leader] Marco 
Pannella and Christian Democratic Party (DC) member 
Adriano Ciaffi, Constitutional Affairs Commission 
chairman. [passage omitted]. 


The Liberals, the majority of the PDS and DC, the 
Italian Social Movement, Northern League, and Italian 
Social Democratic Party voted in favor. The Greens, 
Republicans, a minority in the PDS and DC, and Pan- 
nella’s List voted against. [passage omitted] 

Martinazzoli Weighs DC Election Defeat 

PM 2406144693 Rome LA REPUBBLICA in Italian 
23 Jun 93 p 9 

{Gianluca Luzi report on Christian Democratic Party 
Secretary Mino Martinazzoli 22 June news conference in 
Rome: ““Whoever Blames Me For the Defeat Must Say 
Where I Went Wrong’”} 

[Text] Rome—*No, I will not abandon ship in the midst 
of the storm. This, for one thing, because I do not agree 
at all that the parties are ships. And also these are not 
storms. So if conditions are right for continuing the task, 
then it will be done; otherwise, not.” Just 24 hours after 
the vote that brought down what little of the DC [Chris- 
tian Democratic Party] was still left standing, Mino 
Martinazzoli returned to Rome and found the fortress at 
Piazza del Gesu [DC headquarters in Rome] more 
heavily under siege than ever—not only by external 
adversaries, but even by the DC troops themselves who 
now, seized by panic, are turning their rifles against their 
headquarters. This is a time for recriminations within 
the DC. Mastella: “It is better to die while advancing 
than to die standing still, which is what we are doing.” 
D'Onofrio: “The party is bleeding to death, this way.” 
Bianco: “The DC's strategy must be pre-electoral, not 
post-electoral;."" Fracanzani: “Delays and postpone- 
ments can no longer be justified.” And Milan's Ombretta 
Fumagalli Carulli wants Christian Democrats under 
investigation to resign from parliament. 

This time, on the eve of the Directorate session sched- 
uled for Friday [25 June], which promises a spectacular 
reckoning, the secretary has not shut up like a clam, but 
invited journalists to his office for a question- 
and-answer session that gave some idea of the sharp 
rejoinders that the rebels in his party can expect. “What 
kind of mistakes are they talking about?... Frankly, I find 
these charges ridiculous, the result partly of desperation, 
partly of delusions.” 

[LA REPUBBLICA] So is the charge against you that 
you made a mistake on the subject of alliances not true? 

[Martinazzoli] Now I will seek an explanation of how we 
went wrong, where we went wrong. What possible alli- 
ances we rejected. The fact is that anyone acquainted 
with the situation—and | am acquainted with it because, 
unlike many others, | worked on this election cam- 
paign—knows that we sought and desired alliances but 
found none. So I really do not attach much importance 
to thoughtless remarks pointlessly made. 

[LA REPUBBLICA] What do you intend to do in the 
immediate future to resolve this situation? 

25 June 1993 

{[Martinazzoli] The decision is not mine alone. The 
party's structure is based on the responsibility not of a 
single person, but of many people. I am not requesting 
special powers, because the only one would be to make 
some personnel changes, but that would exceed my mild 
disposition. Of course, together with the election result 
we must form some clearer and more courageous ideas. 
For my part, | will be convening the Directorate, and we 
will adopt some decisions in that forum. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] Did you consider resigning after 
Sunday's result? 

{Martinazzoli] If | do have any such thoughts, | keep 
them to myself. As for any decisions, | will announce 
them in the appropriate forums. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] Many people have said it was a 
disaster. Did you expect a defeat on such a scale? 

{[Martinazzoli] I cannot understand some people's 
amazement. Matters were already decided 6 June, and 
the vote only made the defeat more apparent. In some 
places it was an accident, but elsewhere, as in Sienna, the 
result was a foregone conclusion; but in any case, I 
consider it positive, because the DC had never before 
achieved such a good result. Then there are other munic- 
ipalities where people did their best to ensure the worst. 
So in the South the DC presented itself as frustrated: 
Agrigento was the extreme example of this. So in many 
instances the victory of the left ts the result of the 
fragmentation of the DC, though this fact does not lessen 
my anxiety. 

[LA REPUBBLICA] What was the impact of Mario 
Segni’s departure from the DC? 

[Martinazzoli] He did his utmost to make the DC a loser. 
He 1s one of the architects of our problems, but I do not 
think that he can act as the DC's doctor. What I mean ts 
that unfrocked priests are very anticlerical. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] You are the secretary of the DC. 
How responsible do you feel for the defeat? 

{Martinazzoli] I am not trying to defend myself, | accept 
all accusations; | am not secking any cxcuses. But the 
idea that Tangentopoli is a distant memory 1s wrong. In 
Pordenone, for instance, we went to the polls with an 
outgoing mayor who was either in prison or under house 
arrest, | do not know which. In Belluno we did what 
many are now advising: We sought alliances, but it was 
not enough. The fact is that the voters identified the DC 
with its allies, too; they perceived it as something old to 
be cast off, and they decided to punish it. If the DC 
wants to recover, it must ensure that it 1s perceived not 
as an encumbrance, but as an asset to Italian politics. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] Do you think that the new electoral 
system was fatal for the DC? 

{Martinazzoli] | do not deny that prices were paid 
because of the difficulty in adapting to the new system. 

25 June 1993 

However, I deny that there ts a rule that denies life to a 
party whose structure was created very much within the 
majority system. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] Do you too believe that the DC 
must decide whether to be a center-right or a center-left 

|Martinazzoli] This 1s mere idle talk, and Cossiga too 1s 
mistaken. The problem is how to win votes from people, 
not from other parties, which cling jealously to them. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] Do you envy [Democratic Party of 
the Left (PDS) Secretary] Oc 1etto the fact that he rid 
himself of part of his party two years ago? 

|Martinazzoli] Absolutely not. Occhetto has yet to lose 
Communist Refounding. True, the PDS secretary did suc- 
ceed in putting together 154 different combinations of 
alliances, excluding only us and the League, but that looks 
more like a pharmacopoeia than a policy. True, Occhetto 
successfully played a tactical game of satellitization, just as 
the PCI used to do. Just as it 1s true that he clung to the 
traditional geographical areas. But it 1s also true that he was 
helped by the many who usually help the victor. 

[LA REPUBBLICA] Do you not think that you are 
carrying dead- weight, as the PCI did? 

| Martinazzoli] The two situations are not comparable. In 
any case, Communist Refounding ts no dead- weight. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] What about DC deputy Vito 
Napoli, who wants to ally with the MSI [Italian Social 
Movement] in Calabria? 

{Martinazzoli] That is an aberration. 

[LA REPUBBLICA] What about Publio Fiori, who ts 
calling for your resignation? 

{Martinazzoli] Who, Publio Fiori? He ts a brilliant man! 
In any case, there 1s always one renewal that is newer 
than the next. 

[LA REPUBBLICA] The vote confirmed the fact that the 
Catholics are no longer politically united around the DC. 

[Martinazzoli] There are far-reaching vested interests 
that want to get rid of us not because of our mistakes, but 
because of what we have gotten right, and this should 
give the Catholic world food for thought: United, it 1s a 
visible force; otherwise, it is insignificant. 

[LA REPUBBLICA] What is your reply to Christian 
democrats who are demanding that the party be wound 
down and another created? 

{Martinazzoli] They are assuming the end of something 
which exists. If so, why should the catharsis be so 
spectacular? Perhaps a split would occur, but that 1s not 
the regeneration of a living body. Anything that would 
entail unnecessary amputations is out of the question. 

{LA REPUBBLICA] So ts there a danger of a split? 


[Martinazzoli] It could happen. But I am not afraid of 
what I do not think about, because what I think about I 
do. This, partly because I do not have the weight of the 
world on my shoulders. 

Martinazzoli Views Party's Future 
PM2506114893 Rome L’UNITA in Italian 23 Jun 93 p 5 

{Interview with Christian Democratic Party Secretary 
Mino Martinazzoli by Rosanna Lampugnani in Rome; 
date not given] 

[Excerpt] Rome—{Introductory passage omitted] [Lam- 
pugnani] Do you think you made any mistakes in the 
election campaign? 

{Martinazzoli] Absolutely not. There are those who say I 
got the alliance strategy wrong. Those are ridiculous 
accusations, the result of despair and, partly, illusion. 
We sought and wanted alliances, but we found none. 

[Lampugnani] [Popular Reform Movement leader] Segni 
maintains that any alliance with the DC [Chnstian 
Democratic Party] 1s a toser... 

{Martinazzoli] He can say what he likes, but he cannot 
play the DC's doctor. 

{Lampugnani] People are telling you that for the future 
you will have to choose a specific location: either center- 
left or center-right. What 1s your answer? 

{[Martinazzoli] That is idle talk. | know Professor 
D'Onofrio and Professor Cossiga said that, but they are 
mistaken. Votes come from the people, not from other 
parties which obviously cling onto them for themselves. 

{Lampugnani] League deputy floor leader Maron: aired 
the hypothesis of an alliance between the best of the DC 
in the South and the Bandwagon [League nickname] in 
the North. Will you play ball? 

{Martinazzoli] With a name like the Bandwagon, I can 
see no future. | can hardly be expected to accept a funeral 
oration uttered by the likes of Maroni. I refuse to view 
every event as fatal. 

{Lampugnani] Vito Napoli has announced that he will 
call on the MSI [Italian Social Movement] to form an 

[Martinazzoli] Vito Napoli is going through a crisis of 
conscience. Anyhow, I keep my convictions to myself. 

{[Lampugnani] You spoke of alliances being created in 
the field. What do you mean? 

|Martinazzoli] The electorate identified the DC and tts 
allies with something old that needed to be punished for 
some reason. It is clear that the party must rebuild in 
order to be perceived as an Italian political resource. 


{Lampugnani] What did you feel when you were lis- 
tening to the voting results? 

{Martinazzoli] | do not understand some people's sur- 
prise, because the voting simply increased the visibility 
of our tally. In some cases the results were a matter of 
chance. In others, like Siena, the DC received strong 
support for the first time, thanks among other things to 
its candidate's ability. The PDS [Democratic Party of the 
Left] won in Ancona because it presented a candidate 
with great prestige, and the votes which had gone to 
Segni's candidate did not revert to us in the runoff. 

{Lampugnani] So those who abandon the DC do so for 

|Martinazzoli] Ex-priests become very anticlerical. But I 
should add that in other municipalities where some people 
did their level best for things to go badly [sentence as 
published]. So the DC ran for the elections in a broken, 
fractured state, and the worst case was Agrigento. In many 
cases, therefore, the Left's victory is the result of the DC's 
splintering, although that is another worry. 

{Lampugnani] But how are you thinking of overcoming 
these difficulties? 

{Martinazzoli] The party is not structured around the 
responsibility of one person but around that of many. | 
am not asking for special powers because at that point 
the only thing to do would be to change heads and I do 
not want that either; 1t would not be in keeping with my 

|Lampugnani] It must be said, however, that the Rosy 
Bindi-style renewal did not pay. 

|Martinazzoli] | will not defend myself, | accept all 
accusations. | find the view that bribe city 1s a distant 
blur to be somewhat eccentric. In Pordenone, for 
example, clections were held while the outgoing mayor 
was... | cannot remember whether he was in prison or 
under house arrest. The electorate identified the DC and 
its alles with the “old” that needs to be punished. If the 
DC wants to recover, it must not allow itself to be seen as 
an encumbrance but as a resource for Italian politics. 

{[Lampugnani] Do you envy [PDS Secretary] Occhetto, 
who renewed his party two years ago? 

|Martinazzoli] Not at ali. He says he fielded 154 alli- 
ances, except with us and the League, whereas in two 
instances he did make alliances with the DC. Yes, 
Occhetto is a capable tactician, something the PCI 
[Italian Communist Party] was always familiar with. 
Let's say that he was also helped by other movements. As 
Flasano said: Many are those who help the victor. We 
must acknowledge his great dynamism. 

|Lampugnani] Yesterday Publio Fiori explicitly called 
for your resignation. What will you do? 

{Martinazzoli] Is he what you call renewal? There does 
exist an even newer renewal. 

25 June 1993 

{Lampugnani] Mattarella and others are currently dis- 
cussing the need for a new political body. The danger of 
a split 1s on the horizon. 

{[Martinazzoli] There has been a lot of conjecture about 
the DC’s death, but so far I have not joined in. Of course, 
those are things that might happen; ! am trying to enact 
the vision in my head. But I am not carrying the world on 
my shoulders. If somebody were to say that I had lost, 1 
would make everything easier, someone else would come 
to take my place. But that is not the way it 1s; nothing is 
solved by pushing problems further away. 

{[Lampugnani] But are you really going to hold a constit- 
vent assembly? 

{Martinazzoli] Yes, we will, those who say we will not are 

{Lampugnani} And do you now have any adjustments to 
the electoral reform in mind? 

{Martinazzoli] If you mention the two-round system to a 
DC member, he will run away as though he had seen a 
black cat. Extending the runoff to include more than two 
candidates, now that 1s another matter. 

{Lampugnani] When you think of Milan being won by 
the League, what do you say” 

[Martinazzoli] | am glad | am from Brescia. 

{Lampugnani] On Friday [25 June] you are holding a 
Directorate meeting. Do you expect protest? Are you 
going dressed for battle? 

{Martinazzoli} ! expect to have the time to write what | 
have to say. As for battle dress... 

{Lampugnani] After this electoral defeat, your critics 
inside the party want to put you to the test over the 
forthcoming Rome election. Have you thought of a 
candidate? Some people are proposing Michelin as a 
joint DC and referendum pact candidate 

{[Martinazzoli] It certainly is contradictory to attack me 
over alliances and then expect the DC's crucible to 
provide the candidate. As for Michelini, | would not be 
in such a hurry. 

DC Regional Head Secks ‘New Political 
Formation’ of Party 

PM2406153093 Rome LA REPUBBLICA in ftalian 
23 Jun 93 py 

[Interview with Rosy Bindi, Christian Democratic Party 
regional secretary for Veneto, by Roberto Bianchin in 
Padua; date not given] 

[Text] Padua—“The DC [Christian Democratic Party] ts 
finished. We must dissolve the party and create some 
thing else. There is no time to waste. By the end of the 
year a new political formation based on Christian prin- 
ciples must be set up.” [DC Veneto Regronal Secretary] 

25 June 1993 

Rosy Bindi says that an era is over and that it is 
necessary to hold a closing-down sale, liquidate the old 
stock, and set up shop under a completely new sign. 
Changing the decor is not enough. 

That is why this member of the European Parliament 
and DC Veneto regional secretary has decided to bring 
forward the funeral of the white flower [DC nickname]. 
Rosy the tornado has called a meeting of the regional 
Constituent Commission for Friday evening in Padua’s 
Antonianum Theater. It will “dictate the rules” for the 
constituent assembly which ts to proceed, in the Veneto 
region and “in coordination with the national process,” 
with the dissolution of the party and the creation of “a 
new political formation based on the principles of dem- 
ocratic Catholicism.” 

{Bianchin] Deputy Bindi, are you dissolving the DC 

[Bindi] Don't be silly. It is just that we, here, are 
changing. We said we would and we are. But not like 
Mastella, who wants to set up a Southern DC. Our 
process has no separatist tendencies. It is a thrust to get 
a national constituent assembly off the ground. No splits. 

[Bianchin] Who is taking part in the constituent 

[Bindi] About 60 people. Parliamentarians, regional DC 
councillors, and many outsiders: representatives of Cath- 
olic movements, teachers, entrepreneurs, tradesmen, 
artisans, farmers, and trade unionists. 

{Bianchin] Is it the first step toward a new party? 

{Bindi} Yes. But I do not like to call it that. 1 prefer to go 
back to the constitutional term “political formation.” 

[Bianchin] You are sounding the attack after the DC's 
electoral collapse. 

[Bindi] If | may say so, | have been sounding it for 
months. Do you remember the assembly in Modena, 
when we were branded as heretics? It is just that elec- 
tions were coming up and a period of calm was called for. 
But not any more. 

[Bianchin] Especially because the voters gave you a 

{Bindi} The DC has paid for bribe city, but also for its 
inability to renew itself and its lack of any clear program. 

[Bianchin] Would things have been different if you had 
run under another name? 

[Bindi] We would have limited the damage. Because we 
also paid for the DC's solitude and its incapacity to form 
alliances. A party not in a framework of alliances ts 
inconceivable today. 

[Bianchin] There were people who urged you to form them. 


[Bindi] Yes, like Casini. But I do not want the old DC to 
form part of a new framework of alliances. | want this 
party to be new. 

[Bianchin] Is the DC really dead? 

[Biadi} I do not like that word. So many things in us are 
alive, so many people are thriving. Whatever is alive in 
the DC must shake off whatever 1s dead. What is dead is 
the way the party has been led in the past 15 years. 

[Bianchin] Has [League leader] Bossi taken the DC's 

[Bindi] Bossi scares me. | am very concerned by the 
League's successes. Especially because I find ut difficult 
to believe that his votes are still the result of protest. 

{Bianchin}] What ts 1 that frightens you? 

[Bindi] The heated and disconcerting tones, the danger 
of social clashes, but above all his political project, which 
1s right-wing and which goes in the opposite direction to 
a modern, advanced society's aspirations. 

[Bianchin] Do you also want [Popular Reform Movement 
leader] Segni in the new Christian political formation? 

[Bindi] Yes. I have never asked him to rejoin the DC, but 
to build a new project together. He should be more 
flexible and less absentminded. [DC Secretary] Marti- 
nazzoli and Segni should both examine the Belluno 
experience, where, although we were excluded from the 
runoff, together we achieved 29 percent. 

DC's D'Onofrio Views Future of Divided Party 

PM 2406103093 Milan IL GIORNALE in Italian 
23 Jun 93 p 

[Interview with Christian Democratic Party member 
Francesco D'Onofrio by Marco Ventura in Rome, date 
not given] 

[Text] Rome—Francesco D'Onofrio, DC [Christian 
Democratic Party] member closest to former President 
Francesco Cossiga, feels a split in the air. “Martinazzoli 
is the last possible secretary of a united DC; he has the 
tremendous responsibility of deciding when to turn out 
the lights in Piazza del Gesu [DC headquarters].” 

[Ventura] So are we to see a conflagration in the DC... 

[D'Onofrio] Either the DC moves into the PDS [Demo- 
cratic Party of the Left] orbit, or 1 seeks dialogue with 
the Northern League in the North, and with the mod- 
erate nondenominational center and the Itahan Social 
Movement [MSI] in the South. Faced with this problem, 
Martinazzoli could throw his hand in. 

[Ventura] An unavoidable choice of sides... 

[D'Onofrio] A center party failing to choose either the 
right or the left has led to the extinction of DC mayors, 
and in future it will lead to the parliamentary group's 


extinction. In all likelthood, on the other hand, the DC 
will become a pole of amalgamation for a new center. 
Where does the majority of the League's electorate come 
from? How else can one explain the MSI's incredible 
victory in Grottaferrata [Lazio region] if not by a tank 
full of DC votes? The majority of our electorate 1s from 
the moderate center. 

[Ventura] What about your left wing? 

[D'Onofrio] The Catholic left-wing intelligentsia 1s 
attracted by the fascination of neo-Marxism. The true 
split is there, between the Christian Democratic people 
and a leadership of intellectuals who have never 
achieved popular consensus, nor have they ever been 
elected by a preference vote, but only thanks to safe 
constituencies. The DC people do not follow them, they 
follow [League leader] Bossi, [MSI leader] Fini, and they 
will follow [Italian Liberal Party secretary] Costa. They 
will be forced to go with the League, the MSI, and the 
Liberals if they do not find a DC pivot capable of holding 
them back. 

[Ventura] Will it be possible for you to govern with the 

[D'Onofrio] Dialogue 1s necessary, and a cooperative 
relationship is possible, but on one condition: The 
League must not jeopardize national unity. It must be in 
favor, for example, of institutional reform proposals 
based on national unity in presidential terms, albeit 
within a framework of greater local power. Otherwise, we 
will have the opposite duty of defending democracy the 
same way we defended it from terrorism, and we wiil 
have to make an alliance with the Left. I hope not. | 
believe that the risk to the democracy of alternation 
comes rather from the Catholic-communist ethos which 
is preparing to fish out the “club” model again. 

[Ventura] What relationship can there be with DC 

[D'Onofrio] I have been a Martinazzoli supporter from 
the word go. Unfortunately, the idea has arisen around 
him that the political issue can be solved by beheading 
the corrupt. Among those invoking this there are people 
who have contributed to governing Italy over the last 30 
years, sharing political responsibility for the disaster. 

[Ventura] Their names? 

[D'Onofrio] Please! There are so many of them. From 
Serete Deputy Speaker Luigi Granelli and Rosy Binds, 
the Pas‘onaria of renewal and the morai issue, to former 
ministers, floor leaders, and national deputy secretaries 
A whole part of the so-called Catholic world, from 
Catholic Action to the FUCI [Italian Catholic University 
Federation], has taken part over the years in the occu- 
pation of free seats in the Senate. When De Mita was 
secretary, we had Prodi at the IRI [Institute for Indus- 
trial Reconstruction], Fabiani at Finmeccanica 

{Mechanical Engineering Finance Agency], Zandano at 
the San Paolo [Turin bank], and Barucci at the Monte 

25 June 1993 

dei Paschi [Siena bank]. These Catholic buddies exer- 
cised a power for which they have to answer politically, 
or will they stand by and watch as those who maybe took 
money to keep the party running are drummed out? 

Conference Will Plan DC's Future as ‘People’s 

PM 2406154893 Milan IL GIORNALE in Italian 
24 Jun 93 p 3 

{Gianni Bucci report: “New DC? Martinazzoli Starts 
Again With ‘People’s Center””’] 

[Excerpt] Rome—While waiting to see which way the 
party goes, whether to the Left with the PDS [Demo- 
cratic Party of the Left] or to the Right with the League, 
[Secretary] Martinazzol: 1s deciding on a change of label: 
No longer Christian Democratic Party [DC] but People’s 
Center [Centro Popolare]. The new name has almost 
everybody's approval, because it evokes the domination 
of the political center, which has always been a source of 
votes for the DC, and because i contains the word 
“people's,” which 1s reminiscent of [DC mentor] Don 
Sturzo and the time when politics were chaste and pure. 
What ts missing 1s the adjective Christian, which holds a 
certain fascination; but to reassure the people that 
change will take place without cutting away the roots, the 
crossed shicld symbol will remain, just as [PDS Secre- 
tary] Occhetto hung onto the hammer and sickle in a 
small circle underneath the oak tree. 

So much for the symbolic part. The substantive and 
conceptual part, on the other hand, will emerge from the 
end-of-July program conference (which, after all the 
postponements, now seems likely not to move back 
beyond 20 July) during which a constituent assembly will 
be planned. The assembly's first step seems likely to be 
the “dissolution of the old party, in order to give rise to 
a new political experience,” DC Secretariat chief Casta- 
gnett: said. Under the baking summer sun, the DC will 
have to freshen up its ideas to establish how and with 
whom to open the new political shop. Contacts with 
{League leader] Bossi’s people, with a view to an anti- 
PDS maneuver in which the Christian Democratic 
“thing” would form links with the South of the country, 
giving the League a free hand in the North, are officially 
disputed. Martinazzoli, and with him the Popular Cath- 
olic movement, expressed horror at such a prospect. 
| passage omitted] 

Northern League's Umberto on Poll Implications 
PM2806102793 Rome L°UNITA in Malian 22 Jun 93 p 2 

[Interview with Northern League Secretary Umberto 
Bossi by Carlo Brambilla in Milan, date not given] 

[Text] Milan—[Brambuilla] Senator Bossi, the League 
won a landslide victory and has been summoned to 
govern Milan and other important cities. What use do 
you intend to make of this victory? 

25 June 1993 

[Bossi] Some people already see us on the way to 
government. But for the moment there is no point in 
rushing to Rome. Now we are calling the shots and we 
will press for reform and elections in October. At this 
juncture everybody knows that we are the first party in 
the North and that we will be in the rest of the country. 

[Brambilla] You have been called “the new barbarians.” 
How do you respond to that? 

[Bossi] It 1s only too easy to be ironic about LA REPUB- 
BLICA’s editor, although Eugenio Scalfari’s comparison 
whereby those who vote for the League vote for the 
barbarians, in other words for a return to the Middle 
Ages, seems strange to me. Evidently Scalfari is one of 
those frightened guards of the “servals” [reference to 
Tomas: di Lampedusa novel where the ruling aristocrats 
are called servals] running around in the menageries of 
power. The truth 1s that Italy 1s going through a demo- 
cratic, social, political, and intellectual revolution, and if 
being the catalysts of all that means being barbarians, 
then the name does not offend us. 

|Brambilla] The North belongs to the League, and yet in 

[Bossi] Hold it! Things were ngged there. Now Farassino 
(League secretary for the Piedmont—L'UNITA editor's 
note) 1s going to hold a torchlit march to protest against 
the darkness of lies. 

[Brambilla] But in the Center and the South you did not 
even win one seat. How do you explain that? 

[Bossi] Our open attitude toward the South 1s total. The 
federalist proposal applies to that part of Italy too. We 
will carry forward the League's project everywhere. Now 
that we govern Milan, it will be easier. Anyway, | repeat: 
Our door to the South 1s wide open. 

[Brambilla] How would you sum up this election campaign” 

[Bossi] | covered 6,000 km, | addressed over 50 rallies. It 
has been a very tough six weeks. 

[Brambilla] What struck you the most. 

[Bossi] I noticed a worrying climate in Milan... They 
were coming in from all over Italy.... There 1s an unsa- 
vory atmosphere.... | think they want to provoke an 
incident, hoping for some sort of reaction.... They will 
rub someone out just to screw things up in Milan.... 

[Brambilla] What are you alluding to, Senator Bossi? 
Can you be more specific? Are you talking about the past 
few days or the future? 

[Bossi] Well, they hope one of us will react, they may kill 
someone and say it 1s our fault. I see a strategy of tension 
controlled from on high. 

[Brambilla] How high? 

[Bossi] As high as [President] Scalfaro.... 


[Brambilla] Are you digging up the conspiracy theory 

[Bossi] | have said time and time again that the partyoc- 
racy 1S Not going to give up easily. Now it ts trying to save 
its skin with the Left; this Left 1s the worst of all. 

[Brambilla] And yet 1t won substantial success... 

[Bossi] [Democratic Party of the Left (PDS) Secretary] 
Occhetto 1s reyoicing, the Left 1s rejoicing, but I say that 
they are trying to hide their desperation because they 
have understood that, after losing Milan, their end is 
drawing close.... 

[Brambilla] You leave no hope. Do you not think you are 

[Bossi] No, I did not say there was no way out. I say that the 
PDS and the Left in general must make a decision, and they 
have only one choice: Enther they embrace federalism, or 
they will personify the “old.” alongside the DC [Christian 
Democratic Party]. If their way forward ts to act as party- 
ocracy’s last bulwark, then therr fate 1s sealed. Occhetto can 
say what he wants about the Piave line [allusion to World 
War | defense line at which tide of war changed 1 Italians’ 
favor] but it does not wash because the League's banner 1s 
not flying only in Milan. The League 1s rapidly moving 
toward the South of Italy 

[Brambilla] Some people maintain that there 1s something 
dark in the League movement's project, in other words that 
deep down you have a right-wing soul and that you are the 
true “guillotine” party. Is that ali cooked up? 

[Bosst] We are all calm, the League 1s the continuation of 
the Risorgimento [19th century Itahan unification 
movement}, democratic, and federalist spirit. It 1s the 
ltahans’ guarantee against any attempted coup. We are 
against the guillotine, unless-—according to the hypoth- 
eses put forward by Scalfari and others of his persua- 
sion—the guillotine for them 1s synonymous with the 
voting booth. Because the League confronts and clashes 
with its adversaries only in the voting booth. If anything, 
it 1s the others who use all the most ignoble means of 
confrontation and political dialogue. 

[Brambilla] Let us turn to more practical issues. Who 15 
to replace [Milan Mayor] Formentin: as floor leader in 
the Chamber of Deputies” 

[Bossi] We have not yet made any decision. The natural 
successor 1s Deputy Chairman [title as published] Rob- 
erto Maron, but we have not yet discussed the matter. 
And anyway. | have a different fate in mind for 

[Brambilla] Maybe heading the RAI [Itahan Radio and 
Television Broadcasting Corporation]? 

[Bossi] No, another job, but do not ask me to be more 


Negotiations With U.S. on Azores Base Examined 

LD2406222893 Lisbon Radio Renascenca in Portuguese 
to Europe 1600 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Another round of negotiations on the Lajes base is 
under way in Lisbon. This one is expected to be conclu- 
sive. Portugal wants a general defense agreement with 
the United States. So far the compiementary agreements 
are to be left aside. More details from Cid Saldanha: 

[Saldanha] The seventh round of negotiations between 
Portugal and the United States is under way. Defense 
Ministry sources even believe that this may be the 
conclusive meeting. Portugal does not wish to limit the 
cooperation agreement to the specific Lajes problem and 
wants a wider framework of bilateral cooperation. 

As far as the Azores base is concerned, Portugal stopped 
talking about compensation mainly since the American 
position toughened during George Bush's last days in 
office and Bill Clinton's first days. According to Wash- 
ington’s new strategic stand, direct cash aid has been 
frozen. Portugal is trying to get around this and is 
demanding a general agreement on cooperation with the 
United States which will include not only direct cash 
help or military equipment already allocated. 

Even so, the Portuguese negotiators did not stop at 
presenting a $200-million package which could be trans- 
lated into equipment which may interest our armed 
forces. Apart from that, and providing a general agree- 
ment is reached, Portugal and the United States will 
have to negotiate the so-called complementary agree- 
ments, which spread across five distinct areas including 
defense industries, research and development, and 
regional cooperation. This seventh round of negotiations 
will end tomorrow and an official communique on the 
conclusions 1s expected. 

Minister Nogueira on Defense Options, Actions 

PM 2406100793 Lisbon DIARIO DE NOTICIAS in 
Portuguese 4 Jun 93 pp 4-7 

[Interview with Portuguese Defense Minister Fernando 
Nogueira by Eduardo Mascarenhas and Antonio Jose 
Teixeira; place and date not given] 

[Excerpts] [Introductory passage omitted] [DIARIO DE 
NOTICIAS] What are the main amendments to the 
Major Options of the Strategic Concept which you will 
present to the Assembly of the Republic Friday? 

[Nogueira] The Strategic Concept of National Defense 
which is in force has become outdated, not only because 
of the fall of the Warsaw Pact and the disappearance of 
communism as a threat but also because of the reunifi- 
cation of Germany and clear political and strategic 
changes in the world, which has ceased to be bipolar. 
That is why the collective defense organizations to which 
we belong are themselves reviewing their own strategic 
concepts. Our turn to do so has also come. In my 

25 June 1993 

opinion, the preservation of the European-Atlantic rela- 
tionship is one of the four most important aspects of the 
draft amendment which will be debated in the Assembly 
of the Republic. Despite the changes, we regard that need 
aS a current one, and as current now as it has been 
throughout our history. 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] That is not new... 

[Nogueira] In the new concept, the real novelty lies in a 
different stance in our participation in the collective 
defense organizations and the clear and unequivocal 
acceptance that the Armed Forces are an instrument of 
the state’s foreign policy. We used to be very inward- 
looking. Today, everything 1s different, and so there is a 
clear acceptance that Portugal must prepare its Armed 
Forces in order to be able to act within the framework of 
the international organizations in the new missions 
envisaged, which are future missions for the most devel- 
oped countries’ Armed Forces. 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] What are they” 

[Nogueira] They are missions of peacekeeping, crisis 
management, and carrying out humanitarian operations. 
Cooperation with the states with which Portugal has a 
particular historical relationship 1s also a mission which 
appears im the strategic concept as something very 
important. So if I had to sum up im a phrase what 1s 
innovatory in the strategic concept, | would say it 1s the 
Armed Forces’ new role as a real instrument of the state's 
foreign policy. I believe this a qualitative advance, form 
which Portugal could derive significant advantages 

[DIARIO DE NO CICIAS] The Armed Forces’ participa- 
tion in organizations such as the United Nations or the 
CSCE has thus been set down... 

[Nogueira] Yes, although we will always honor the polit- 
ical commitments we have in other spheres, such as the 
Atlantic alliance and the WEU [Western European 
Union]. We are particularly willing, in keeping with our 
means (and also our interests and priorities), to respond 
favorably, whenever it 1s possible and appears advisable 
to us, to UN Security Council requests 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] Is Portugal considering the 
possibility of poring the UN international general staff” 

[Nogueira] Yes, 1 1s a path which we have already been 
following. For instance, | can tell you that we never had 
any military man at our UN mission, and that now— 
recently—we have temporarily transferred one of our 
military attaches in Washington to New York, precisely 
in order to follow the decisionmaking step by step. We 
have started here, but next we will try to win positions, 
the positions which prove to be within our reach at UN 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] The NATO strategists in 
Brussels no longer smile, as used to be the case only a few 
years ago, when there 1s talk of the threats and dangers 
confronting the Atlantic alliance’s southern flank. More- 
over, significant changes in NATO's contingency plans 

25 June 1993 

are now aimed at thet region. Portugal has had anc will 
continue to have at its disposal forces for allied com- 
mand intended to operate outside the country. The 
responsibility for the defense o Portuguese territory mas 
hitherto been a national respo: ity, within the NATO 
framework. Will any change be made? Is NATO going to 
assign an international force to Portuguese territory? 

[Nogueira] Article 5 of the alliance guarantees that any 
threat to national territory will meet with the allies’ soli- 
darity. Right now, as you know, the Atlantic alliance’s 
system of forces is being reviewed, and hence it is too early 
to say which forces will be assigned to the southern flank. Be 
that as it may, we have helped attract some attention to the 
southern flank, from the viewpoint not of an imminent 
threat but of the line taken by the alliance’s strategic 
concept, approved in 1991, which says there are now no 
direct threats but a number of dangers, and that the dangers 
are multidirectional and of a different nature. We believe 
that that kind of danger—especially those resulting from 
overpopulation or even from the advance of religious fun- 
damentalism and political instability—could become a 
reality. We do not foresee that an invasion of the national 
territory could take place, but we believe that that situation 
creates insecurity, and today NATO concerns itself not only 
with defense but also with security in overall terms. At a 
recent seminar in Washington, | had occasion to say that 
perhaps we should consider the possibility of applying to the 
Maghreb countries the same process of dialogue and coop- 
eration which has been established with NATO and the 
countnes of central and eastern Europe. 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] Portugal is already practicing 
that cooperation... 

| Nogueira] That ts so. As you know, there 1s a coopera- 
tion and ¢sfense agreement with Morocco, which could 
be signed at any time, | myself have visited Tunisia, and 
we are now developing contacts between the chiefs of 
staff of the Portuguese and Algerian Armed Forces. 
However, we believe that NATO should consider 
extending the area of cooperation to the Maghreb coun- 
tes, in a positive perspective, which implies greater 
knowledge of the political, social, and economic realities, 
within the framework of an atmosphere which was one 
of confrontation until the fall of the Berlin Wall and has 
become (using the expression in the strategic concept 
approved in Rome), one of cooperation and dialogue. 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] Mozambique: Was the deci- 
sion to assign a communications battalion to UNOMOZ 
[UN Operation in Mozambique] of a strategic nature, or 
did it result from the lack of another complete opera- 
tional force? 

| Nogueira] s here would be another kind of force for that 
purpose. It was simply possible for the first time in 
Portugal to raise an updated, modern, and sophisticated 
communications battalion. The first military planning 
law included research anc “evelopment projects which 
allowed the Army and Portuguese industry to design 


certain equipment; since this 1s a new development and 
we have the opportunity to test the equipment on the 
ground, we decided to go ahead. This is a national! effort, 
resulting from a converging effort by civil society, the 
scientific community, and the military community of the 
whole Portuguese people, which does the country credit 
Moreover, because Portuguese is spoken in Mozam- 
bique, we believe communications should be assigned to 
Portugal. Everybody has regular troops—infantry, for 
instance—but it is not every army which can deploy a 
communications battalion. 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] Angola: You certainly had 
knowledge of reports from members of the Portuguese 
military delegation to the CCPM [Joimt Political- 
Military Commission], advising a change in the time- 
table for the elections. What happened? Was there a lack 
of or difficulty in dialogue between the Defense Ministry 
and the Foreign Ministry? 

[Nogueira] No. By no means. There was constant dialoguc 
between the Defense Ministry and the Foreign Ministry 

What happened was that it was the sides themselves —and 
one of the sides in particular—which pressed for holding 
the elections within the Bicesse time scale. That timetable 
was a prerequisite for the agreement, and it was necessary 
to advance in that direction. The international community 
and Portugal confined themselves to accepting the sides’ 
wishes, so that it would be possible to reach an agreement 

[passage omitted] 

There Will Be Adequate Presence in \ ugoslavia 

[DIARIO DE NOTICIAS] Will a qualitative change be 
made in the Portuguese participation with respect to 

[Nogueira] My assessment is that that Portugal has taken 
part on an equitable basis with the United Nations and the 
other NATO or Western European Union members. We 
have already given every kind of cooperation which the 
other states have also given. We have already had three 
ships in the Adriatic for three months. we have had an 
Onon P-3 aircraft in the area since the start of the 
embargo, and during our EC presidency we had more 
monitors in Yugoslavia than any other state. We are still 
keeping some there, although in smaller numbers, we have 
a military medical team supporting the French mulitary 
personnel, and we are providing humanitarian ard. Por- 
tugal has made resources available in the same areas as al! 
the other members of the international community. Only 
recently, we made available eight members of the customs 
service in order to take part in the embargo on the Danube 
If the international community decides to strengthen its 
presence, Portugal is willing to consider strengthening its 
contribution. However, we do not intend to send compicte 
military units, partly because we know that we have other 
requests in sight, such as we have already had- 

specifically, in Portuguese-speaking Africa—and this 1s 
what the priority is for us. We will make our contribution 
and we are supportive, but we maintain our preoritics 
Between sending a communications battalion to V ugo- 
slavia and sending one to Mozambique. we choose 



Public ‘Divided’ Over UN Bosnia Intervention 
PM2306140993 Madrid YA in Spanish 13 Jun 93 p 12 

{Unattributed report: “Former Yugoslavia Divides 

[Text] Madrid—Spanish public opinion is divided over 
the desirability of military intervention under a UN 
mandate to resolve the military conflict in the former 
Yugoslavia, which last Friday {11 June] claimed the life 
of Legion Lieutenant Francisco Jesus Aguilar Fernandez, 
shot in the neck by a Croatian sniper as he was carrying 
out a humanitarian mussion in the ravaged city of 

Some 41 percent of the public would agree with this 
intervention being carried out, while 43 percent disagree, 
according to an opinion poll conducted by Gallup exclu- 
sively for YA. 

There is a more favorable attitude to the United Nations 
ordering this intervention among PSOE [Spanish 
Socialist Workers Party] and People’s Party voters than 
those of other political parties, as well as among those 
under 35 years of age and and male interviewees. 

Spanish Servicemen 

With respect to Spanish servicemen's participation in 
the force which would be deployed in the former Yugo- 
slavia under a UN mandate, 46 percent of the inter- 
viewees disagree, while those who agree represent 36 

The 1,001 Spanish people polled by Gallup show a clear 
division of opinions on the opportuneness of military 
intervention by an international force under a UN 
mandate in order to resolve the conflict in the former 


Some 43 percent of the interviewees disagree with a 
measure of this kind, as against 41 percent who agrec 

Only 16 percent of the interviewees cxpress no Opinion 
on the matter. This percentage can be considered smal! 
for an international issue, and this shows a considerable 
degree of public interest in the matter 

The differences between the various groups of voters are 
worthy of consideration. The most favorable attrtude to 
military intervention is among the main parties’ voters, 
and especially among those of the People’s Party. Some 
$2 percent of this party's voters agree with military 
intervention, as against 37 percent who disagree 

For their part, Socialist Party voters show a degree of 
acceptance slightly less than that of the People’s Party 
voters, although it remains above that of the sample asa 
whole: 47 percent of Socialist voters agree with that 
hypothetical measure, while 43 percent express their 

Among the other political voters. the predominant 

stance is one of opposition to miliiary intervention 

FBIS-WEL -93-121 
25 June 1993 

For instance, among United Left voters, 27 percent agree 
with military intervention, and 61 percent disagree. Thes 
same trend is to be observed, albert less markedly, 
among other political forces’ voters. 

On the part of abstainers, opinions are similar to those of 
the sample as a whole, although with a slightly higher 
percentage of individuals who agrec. 

There are also significant differences of opinion in terms 
of the interviewees’ ages. 

Opinions are weaker as one goes up the age scale, with 
the proportion of the “don't know/no reply” category 
increasing, and the percentage of individuals stating in 
the present poll that they agree with mulitary imterven- 
tion as a way to resolve the conflict rises 

In fact, among indivaduals under 35 years of age, the 
percentage of those agreeing with the measures 1s signif 
icantly higher than that of those cxpressing the same 
stance in the poll as a whole. For thew part, among 
women, a greater reluctance to accept the advisability of 
a measure such as that submitted for their apprarsal 1s 

In terms of geographical areas, the most umportant facts 
are a lower level of agreement im northeastern and 
northwestern Spain and a higher percentage for “don't 
know/no reply” mn the south 

In addition to being asked about the advisability of 
military intervention by an internatronal force under a 
UN mandate in order to resolve the conflict, the publu 
were also asked for their opinions about Spanish ser- 
vicemen joining that force if an intervention occurred 

The results which emerge from the Gallup poll are in lon 
with those discussed above. There 1s a clear division of 
opinions, although with respect to Spanish participation 
the proportion of those who disagree mmcreascs shiphtly 
(46 percent), and, at the same time, the proportion of 
those who agree (39 percent) falls 

This same trend 1s to be observed when analysing the 
results pertaining to this issue among the People's Party 
and PSOE voters. In both cases, the percentages of those 
who agree and disagree with Spanish participation on 
that hypothetical intervention force are very somilat and 
almost exactly equal 

Among the other parties’ voters as a whole, the predom 
inant view 1s one of disagreement with Spanish partic: 
pation in that international force 

On this rssuc, too, a more favorable attitude i to bx 
observed among younger people than among older 
people, and among men than among women 


The poll conducted by Gallup was carried out between 7 
May and 27 May, when the Spanish troops der’ oved im 
the former Yugoslavia had not yet suffered the casualties 

25 June 1993 

of Sergeant Angel Torne!l Yanez—who died 2 June as a 
resuht of a road accideni—and that of the above- 
mentioned Lt. Francisco Jesus Aguilar. 

The poll was nationwide and was conducted through 
1,001 interviews among people over 15 years of age. 

Defense Minister on Avoiding Risky Areas in 

LD2306171893 Madrid RNE International in Spanish 
1300 GMT 23 Jun 93 

[Excerpt] At the base of the Parachute Brigade in Alcala 
de Henares this morning, Defense Minister Julian 
Garcia Vargas presided over the funeral for two of the 
blue helmets killed mm Bosnia on Saturday [19 June] 
when their vehicle plunged into the Neretva river. Here 
is a report from Carmen Hernandez: 

{Hernandez| These are bitter days for the armed forces, 
according to statements by .Ȣ minister of defense at the 
end of the funcral held at the headquarters of the 
Parachute Brigade. Garcia Vargas said that those coun- 
tnes that have sent blue helmets to Bosnia will recon- 

sider thesr presence im the region if the peace process is 
not consolidated: 

[Begin Garcia Vargas recording] | am not talking about 
withdrawals, but rather about pulling them back or 
concentrating them im certain zones and avoiding those 
areas which involve a greater risk, while nevertheless 
leaving observers in these zones, protected observers. As 
you know, all this has to be discussed with the gencral 
headquarters at Kiseljak. It has to be borne in mind that 
next month or a little later contingents from other 
countries will arrive, so all thrs 1s subject to very different 
considerations which | cannot evaluate at the present 
time. [end recording] [passage omitted} 

Defense Minister Meets With Czech Counterpart 
in Madrid 

LD2406 162493 Pragwe CTK in English 1258 GMT 
24 Jun 93 

[Text] Madnd, June 24 (CTK)}—Official talks between 
Defence Ministry delegations led by Crech Defence 
Minister Antonin Baudys and his Spanish counterpart 
Juhan Garcia Vargas opened today in Madrid. 

Baudys briefed the Spanish defence minister on the 
process and results of the break-up of Czechoslovakia, 
including the former Federal Army, as well as concepts 
on restructuring the new Czech armed forces 

The ministers exchanged views on development in the 
territories of the former Soviet Union, and on the 
conflict im Yugoslavia. Both Spain and the Crech 
Republic have soldiers in UNPROFOR [UN Protection 
Force] units there. 

Further areas of discussion were the already completed 
reorganisation and restructuring of the Spanish armed 


forces, and cucstions dealing with the Czech Republic's 
gradual iniegratsorn into European security structures. 

Baudys will continuc his stay with a visit of the 12th 
Tank Brigade im Ei Golos., near Madrid. 

United Left Pact With PSOF, Nationalists 
PM 2506103393 Madrid YA in Spanish 17 Jur 93 p 6 

[interview with United Left political relations chief 
Francisco Frutos by Antonio Vega in Madnd, date not 

[Excerpt] [introductory passage omitted] [Vega] Would you 
be prepared to undertake a tripartite pact with the PSOE 
[Spanish Socialist Workers Party] and the nationalists? 

[Frutos} | deem ut unlikely that there could be a pact of 
that kind, although a distinctron should be drawn 
between the nationalist parties. For mstance, the PNV 
[Basque Natronalrst Party) has always had a policy more 
onented toward the social sphere, msofar as the PNY has 
a considerable influence on the whole associational jcor- 
porativisia] movement mn the Basque Country, a has 
much stronger social and working class links than Ci! 
[Convergence and Union] 

So | will never lump everybody together, but | deem a 
unlikely that there could be a tripartite pact nght now, 
with the privatization and taxatron policies which Cil) os 
advocating. The nationalists—cespecially the Catalan 
nationalists—supported the PSOE very strongly in the 
last legislative term over the economic policies which i 

[Vega] You have personally stated that you deem a 
government pact with the PSOR very unlikely. Is thes 
because you distrust Felipe Gonzalez” intentions on thes 
connection, or rather because you believe that the 
United Left's mnterests should follow another course? 

[Frutos] No, I do not distrust Felipe Gonzalez. More- 
over, the problem 1s not one of personal trust, the 
problem is one of the political optron. Felipe Gonzalez 
and the PSOE have adopted a politecal option which 
runs directly counter to whai 1s proposed and put for- 
ward by the political and trade wnvon left. [Minister of 
the Economy and Finance] Solchaga’s monctarist policy, 
endorsed by Cronzalez, has fanied. It has caused a cooling 
down which has placed the Spanrsh coonomy m imten- 
sive care, and we cannot emerge from this stagnation 
with the same policy. If there 1s mot another policy and 
another change, there 1s no chance of reaching any 

| Vega] The United Left seems to be capernencing a unitary 
atmosphere while awaiting the hypothetical pacts with the 
PSOE. af they do not come about, do wou beleve that the 
problems within the coalition will reemerge” 


[Frutos] Well, | do not know, but they should not 
emerge. It 1s the PSOE, which must form the govern- 
ment, which has the responsibility for calling on the 
political forces. Let us say that there is a musunder- 
standing here about what governing 1s and what influ- 
encing politics ts. The United Left will continue to 
influence politics, even in opposition. It 1s mistake to 
believe that opposition means critecizimg and con- 
demning the government's policy all day. Being in oppo- 
sition also means putting forward proposals to resolve 
people's problems. What the United Left must uphold 1s 
its policy. 

[Vega] Could there be resignations from the United Left 
if agreements are not reached with the PSOE? 

[Frutos] I hope that there will be no resignations. In any 
event, everybody 1s free to do what he deems opportunc. 
I beleved and still believe that we are all in the United 
Left because we are trying to build a proyect which 1s not 
isolated from society, a project which has its own policy. 

[Vega] The so-called “renewalists” will be im the 
majority mm the United Left parlhamentary group. Will 
this situation cause problems, bearing in mind that they 
are in a minority in the United Left's leadership bodies’ 

[Frutos} In the first place, the majority is that of the 
United Left. The 18 deputies belong to the United Left, 
and three of them belong to Initiative for Catalonia. | do 
not know where this report that the “renewalists” are 
going to be mm the majority in parliament started out, 
because that is to claim votes which are not one’s own. 

25 June 1993 

We will see in cach specific program, m cach specific 
policy, who is in the majority and who 1s in the minority, 
or whether there 1s a majority or a minority. 

In any event, what I totally rule out +s that there will be 
two conflicting stances within the United Left parlia- 

mentary group in the Congress of Deputies. 

High Court Sentences ETA ‘Accomplice’ to 1,311 

LD2406165293 Madrid RNE-1I Radio Network in 
Spanish 1300 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Early thes afternoon the National High Court 
announced the verdect against the perpetrators of the 
attack on the Vic [Civil Guard] barracks. [ETA member] 
Juan Jose Zubicta Zubeldia has been sentenced to over 
1,300 years imprisonment. Here is a report from the 
court by Carmen Pascual 

[Pascual] A total of 1.311 years and compensation of 
around 400 millon pesetas ts the sentence handed down 
by the National High Court on Juan Jose Zubieta 
Zubeldia for the attack on the Civil Guard barracks m 
Vic m which nine people died, five of them children. 
Although the court accepts the argument of the defen- 
dant and his defense cownse!l that he was not at the scene 
of the attack on that afternoon m May 1991, a does 
consider him to be a necessary accomplice, given that his 
presence and activity were necessary m the preparation 
of the attack and that without them « would not have 
been carned out 


25 June 1993 
Cites * ‘of ECC 
Paper Impotence openhagen 

PM2506151493 Copenhagen DET FRI AKTUELT in 
Danish 23 Jun 93 p 2 

[Editonial: “The Impotent”—words in italics as pub- 

[Text] The whole of the solemn circus which surrounds 
an EC summit—including the distance that is main- 
tained to the press—could give the impression that it is 
very powerful men who are mecting. 

However, the facts point to something entirely different, 
namely that Western Europe's political leaders have had 
great difficulty in finding a common political determi- 
natio”. and turning it into action. This set its stamp or 
the summit which has just ended. Decisions were made. 
Itaportant decisions. Prime minister Poul Nyrup Ras- 
mussen was very satisfied with the outcome, but the 
main impression of unbiased observers is that in Copen- 
hagen the EC did not take the big decisive step out of the 
doldrums and did not turn Euro-pessimism into Euro- 

This massive impotence has first and foremost shown 
itself in relation to Bosnia, where Serbia has driven the 
EC and its mediator, Lord Owen, round and round the 
circus ring. Tome after time the Serbs have pretended to 
negotiate and have used the time to redraw the map 
using the most brutal armed force. 

Almost like a beggar Bosnian President Aliya lzetbegovic 
came to Copenhagen and in a mecting with three foreign 
ministers he implored them to lift the arms blockade 
which clearly favors the Serbs. Only German Chancellor 
Helmut Kohl—with a letter in his hand from President 
Clinton—supported Izetbegovic's call, while Britain and 
France were opposed porting to the fact that it would 
increase the danger for their UN personnel in Bosnia. It 
would seem, however, that President Mitterrand does 
not rule out the possibility that in the longer term he 
might recommend that the arms embargo is lilted. 

As a result the most important concrete decision was a 
promise to make moncy and men available to guarantee 
the six Muslim zones which figure in a plan from the UN 
Security Council. Few people have much faith in this 
plan-—-because at present the Serbs are subjecting these 
zones to heavy shelling and are close to taking some of 
them. The question is: Who will send soldiers? Germany 
cannot—for reasons of history—and Prime Minister 
Major said yesterday that the British had already done 
their duty. 

The other day the EC's peace envoy was close to recom- 
mending the tripartition of Bosnia on which the Serbs 
and Croats have reached agreement, but the summit's 
final declaration stated that this must not be at the 
Muslims expense. Bul there is great disagreement 


among the Bosnian Muslims about what tha! means. 
Yesterday they removed President Izetbegovic as nego- 
tiator, because he was unwilling under any circum- 
stances to try to buy peace by agrecing to the tnpartition. 
As highly cynical observers have remarked, it could 
eventually be difficult to find a single surviving Muslim 
to sign such a peace treaty. 

But the summit was more than just Bosnia. The Danish 
presidency was happy about the clarification that the 
enlargement negotiations with Sweden, Finland, 
Norway, and Austria will be compicted by the end of 
next year and the decision that six Eastern European 
countnes can in principle become members of the EC. 

However, Denmark's great hope of decisions which will 
boost economic growth here and now was not satisfied. 
On the contrary, the discussion revealed that the British 
Conservatives led by John Major deeply disagree with 
the ideas of social-democratic-style intervention put 
forward by Jacques Delors on behalf of the EC Commis- 
sion. Nevertheless, the summit succeeded in declaring its 
unreserved unanimity, and the Commussion ts to draft a 
white book for the next summit in December. Growth 
has at least been put firmly on the agenda—along with 
many exciting ideas. 

It could be said that the summit could have gone much 
worse—bearing in mind the many conflicting view- 
points. It was good that the leaders met and were forced 
to confront together the mayor problems facing them. 
But the only lesson we can learn from the political 
impotence at the highest k vel 1s that we all have a 
responsibility. If the politicians do not know what we 
want—because we refuse to become involved and make 
up our minds—their power too 1s only a paper tiger. And 
the world ungovernable. 

EC Seen in ‘Disarray’ on Bosnia, Economic Policy 
PM 2406162093 Copenhagen BERLINGSKE TIDENDE 
in Danish 23 Jun 93 p 10 

{Ole Bang Nielsen ‘Analysis’ article’ “A Summit 
Marking Time”—words in italics as published] 

{Text} The EC did not tackle the two crucial problems 
which had been set in advance as the main topics for the 
EC summit in Copenhagen: a new policy to combat 
unemployment and a decision on effective common 
action to stop the civil war in the former Yugoslavia. 

The simple reason is that the EC countrics—including 
the EC's three great powers, Britam, France, and Ger- 
many—do not agree on what road 1s to be followed and 
as a result they are unable to formulate a coherent policy. 

It was therefore no wonder that the working dinner on 
Monday evening developed into a relatively short and 
sad affair dominated by so serious an cxachange of views 
on EC policy in Bosnia that otherwise cautious diplo- 
mats used descriptions like “heated” and “bitter.” 


After the EC’s almost two years of attempts to find a 
peaceful solution to Yugoslavia’s civil war only the 
words of Irish poet William Yeats remain: “The best lack 
all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate 

In Copenhagen the EC’s declared policy of keeping 
Bosnia as an independent state and that aggression must 
not ba allowed to pay was not sold down the river 
completely. But it was close. 

After noting the collapse of the Vance-Owen plan the EC 
has been left standing, it would seem, without any firm 
policy on Bosnia’s future. The EC’s hard-pressed medi- 
ator, Lord Owen, has been sent back to the negotiating 
table in Geneva with a vague mandate about trying to 
find a peaceful soiution. At the same time during his 
hour-long meeting with the EC’s foreign minister troika 
the Bosnian president was told that it would probably be 
best for him to return to the negotiation s with the Serbs 
and the Croats, even though he had already rejected this 
proposal from the Serbs and Croats themselves—a pro- 
posal which would mean that Muslim Bosnia would end 
up as a ministate around Sarajevo. 

During the tumultuous dinner German Federal Chan- 
cellor Helmut Kohl tried to get the ban on arms sales to 
the hard-pressed Bosnian Government lifted, but the 
majority of the other EC countries did not think that that 
was a good idea. To apply a little ointment to the 
German wounds a statement to the effect that the EC 
countries should again consider sending more UN sol- 
diers to Bosnia was included in the final declaration 
from the summit. UN Secretary General Butrus Butrus- 
Ghali has asked for an additional 7,500 men. On offer 
yesterday were 700 men—400 from the Netherlands and 
300 from Spain. 

The debate about how the EC should tackle its growing 
economic crisis with negative growth this year and 20 
million unemployed next year showed the same disarray 
in the circle of the EC and the same lack of determina- 
tion to take effective action. 

With his customary intellectual sharpness EC Commis- 
sion President Jacques Delors delivered an analysis that 
clearly showed that despite the creation of the single 
internal market the EC's competitiveness is continuing 
to fall when compared with the United States and Japan. 
There were nods of agreement around the table. 

But when it comes to the question of action, there 1s a 
parting of the ways. British Prime Minister John Major 
threw himself with obvious satisfaction on the message 
he found in Delors’ analysis: that it 1s the European labor 
market system with its large volume of social spending 
which 1s undermining competitiveness. 

Not many other countries agreed here, even though 
Spain, Portugal, and Germany expressed similar views 
in more Cautious terms. 

25 June 1993 

A number of other EC countries, especially France, 
spoke out sharply against any undermining of the French 
model. The French proposal for improving Europe's 
position seems instead to have been expressed by Presi- 
dent Mitterrand before the summit: that the EC should 
proteci :tself against cheap imports and unfair competi- 
tion, from the Far East in particular. 

The internal showdown in the EC between the liberal 
“Adam Smith” wing of free competition and as little 
State intervention as possible—expressed most clearly by 
Britain—and the more traditional policy of national 
protection looks as if it wil! Uecome heated in the coming 
six months. In December Delors will submit his white 
book and the next scheduled EC summit will also 
reached a more detailed decision on the French proposal 
for the establishme..: of a security pact which will seek to 
prevent a repeat of the Yugoslav tragedy. 

Before then the treaty on EC union will probably have 
come into force with its stipulations that the EC coun- 
tries must pursue a common foreign policy and a 
common economic policy. That sounds like a good idea. 

Daily on ‘Disappointing’ Summit Stance on 


PM 2406135093 Copenhagen BERLINGSKE TIDENDE 
in Danish 23 Jun 93 p 12 

[Editorial: “EC Summit in the Doldrums”] 

[Text] The tragedy in the former Yugoslavia cast a dark 
shadow across the European Council's meeting in 
Copenhagen. The every worsening situation on the fields 
of battle dominated the official discussions, gave rise to 
heated discussion among the top leaders during a dinner 
at Christiansborg Palace, and led finally to a delay in 
ending the summit. This seems only natural in the light 
of the scale of the tragedy and the irresolution which has 
so far characterized the EC countries in their response to 
this issue. 

But precisely because developments in the Balkans took 
up so much time at the summit there was every reason to 
expect an determined initiative from the twelve heads of 
state and government—and there was none. Even though 
Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen repeatedly 
stressed the final declaration’s section on the former 
Yugoslavia at the concluding press conference—and for 
safety’s sake urged the international press corps to read 
the ducument properly—the summit’s decisions with 
regard to so urgent a problem must be described as 

In essence the EC urges its member states to react positively 
to the request from the UN secretary general for more UN 
soldiers for Bosnia. But before the participants in the 
summit had reached Kastrup airport, German Federal 
Chancellor Helmut Kohl and British Prime Minister John 
Major has both said that nesther of their two countries 
intends to make more troops available. 

25 June 1993 

There is nothing to indicate that there will be a united 
EC line, since it became clear at the summit that member 
countries are deeply divided on the question of sending 
arms to the Muslims. This disagreement has never been 
shown as clearly as in Copenhagen. On the diplomatic 
front the final declaration urged peace mediators Lord 
Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg to continue their efforts 
to find a peaceful solution. But this work presupposes the 
start of new negotiations. 

There is greater thrust in the proposals for greater economic 
growth and increased employment in crisis-ridden Europe 
which EC Commission President Jacques Delors put for- 
ward. A determined effort in these fields in vitally impor- 
tant to the EC because its member countries can only count 
on public support for the further expansion of European 
cooperation, if it can be demonstrated that this cooperation 
can do something to secure the welfare of individual citi- 
zens. Success in this field depends now on the debate which, 
it is to be hoped, will now begin. But so far we have only 
heard the starting shot, and future work will be made more 
difficult by the disagreement chiefly between Britain and 
the countries on the European continent over the methods 
for achieving new growth. 

It would be overshooting the mark to place the main 
responsibility for the summit'’s postponement of deci- 
sions at the door of the Danish presidency. The EC 
clearly finds itself in the doldrums between the uncer- 
tainty that arose in the wake of Denmark's “no” to the 
Maastricht treaty and the final clarification surrounding 
EC union which, it is to be hoped, will come after the 
completion of the ratification process in Germany and 
Britain. Until this clarification is on the table it is clear 
that EC cooperation must continue to mark time. 

The Danish presidency does, however, have a direct 
responsibility for the scandalous conditions which beset 
the work of the press in passing on information to the 
general public. It began with the government's refusal to 
make public the agenda for the summit after it had been 
announced in several other European capitals. It con- 
tinued with slow security checks on arriving journalists 
with the result that leading European journalists became 
justifiably angry because valuable time was lost. The 
culmination carne when, at a briefing for the Danish 
press, the prime minister qui't simply imposed a ban on 
quoting him. This has never happened before at EC 
summits. The presidency’s closedness was an ugly blot 
on the summit’s arrangements and seemed remarkable 
for a host country which otherwise praises itself for 
working for greater openness throughout the EC system. 


Trade Balance Shows Record Surplus 

LD2306121793 Helsinki Suomen Yleisradio Network in 
Finnish 1000 GMT 23 Jun 93 

[Text] The surplus in the balance of trade has risen to a 
record level. In May, the value of exports was one fourth up 
on a year ago. The surplus in foreign trade was a record 3.6 
billion markka [FM]. The balance of trade in January-May 


showed a surplus of FM10.6 billion. According to the Board 
of Customs, the value of exports increased in May to 
FM11.4 billion and the value of imports fell by 4 percent to 
FM7.8 billion. The growth in exports was strongest in the 
timber industry where the value of this sector's export rose 
by 40 percent. Exports by the paper and metal industries 
also showed a clear growth. 

a Reveal Overall Output Continues To 

£D2406123593 Helsinki Suomen Yileisradio Network in 
Finnish 0600 GMT 24 Jun 93 

[Text] Overall output is continuing to fall. According to 
preliminary information from the Central Statistical 
Office, the gross national product fell by 2.5 percent in 
January-March from the same period last year. This is 
already the third year in which output has fallen. Devi- 
ating from the falling trend, output clearly increased in 
the metal and woodworking industries and in the provi- 
sion of electricity and data communications. 

* Long-Term Unemployment Among Europe's 

Finnish 25 May 93 p D1 

[Article by Teija Sutinen: “Europe's Affliction Arrives in 
Finland; Long-Term Unemployment Cannot Be Ended 
Easily, Even if Economy Begins To Grow”] 

[Excerpts] By the end of next year there will be nearly 
200,000 people in Finland who have been without work 
continuously for over a year. Finland's earlier experi- 
ences with long-term unemployment are no longer valid 
as far as this number is concerned. A new kind of socral 
problem is at hand, one that is arising quickly, but which 
will disappear slowly. 

Prolonged stretches of unemployment cannot be broken 
with labor policy measures because the government 
neither has the money for them nor, apparently, much 
desire to do so. 

Furthermore, the decision to avoid enacting a general 
law reached by the government and the labor organiza- 
tions on the eve of Holy Thursday means that the 
long-term unemployed person will increasingly more 
often fall completely outside of unemployment insur- 
ance coverage. They will apply to the local government 
for subsistence. 

The percentage of unemployed workers who have been 
unemployed for a long time is also ineluctably rising in 
Finland to the level of the other West European coun- 
tries. In April, 15 percent of unemployed Finnish 
workers had been without work for over a year. The 


average percentage ul long-term unemployed in the 
European Community was 46 percent last year. 

Europe's example is frightening. Once long-term unem- 
ployment has gained a foothold, it is extremely difficult 
to get it to decline, even if the economy begins to grow 
again. Long-term unemployment in Europe has been the 
seed that gives rise to the mass unemployment that is 
crippling many countries and which brings with it other 
social problems. 

Why is long-term unemployment not being easily ended, 
despite the fact that the national economy is recovering? 

In Europe there is talk of a so-called hysteresis phenom- 
enon, or unemployment breeds unemployment. 

The unemployed worker's skills are not kept up-to-date 
and his interest in looking for work wanes as his unem- 

ployment just goes on and on. 

In addition, the individual is still marked by persistent 
unemployment: An employer readily imagines that there 
must be something wrong with a person who has been 
unemployed for a long time. It is safer for him to hire 
someone who has [word illegible] something over the 
past year. [passage omitted] 

Generalizations Can Be Forgotten 

Generalizations cannot be made about Finland's current 
long-term unemployed. There are no typical cases, but 
rather there is room among them for all sorts of people 
with different occupations and from different parts of 
the country. 

Among the current 70,000 long-term unemployed there 
are, for example, many construction workers, who were 
the first to be hit by the recession, but next year's 
200,000 will include the whole spectrum of the labor 

It was easier to classify them during the boom because 
many of those left without work for over a year in those 
days lived in out-of-the-way areas or had “a lot of 
problems”—there was something wrong with their 
health or they consumed liquor too freely. Some of them 
did not even want to go to work. 

Now that their number has grown, the old images can be 

“Long-term unemployment is affecting new kinds of 
sectors and new kinds of people who cannot necessarily 
adjust to the idea,” Kari Vahatalo of the University of 
Helsinki Social Policy Institute, who ts studying long- 
term unemployment, said. 

According to Vahatalo, middle-aged people are more 
and more becoming a long-term unemployed problem 

The stigma of being middle-aged and unemployed ts 

what hurts the most. The society more readily accepts a 
young unemployed person because it 1s often difficult to 

25 June 1993 

get started in the labor market. An elderly worker is also 
forgiven in the eyes of those around him even though he 
may not have found work in a year: Of course it’s hard to 
do at that age! 

The last time long-term unemployment was a serious 
problem in Finland was in the second half of the 1970's. 
At that time, however, it was concentrated in industry in 
general and the construction industries and older 
workers were more frequently affected by it than they are 

There was an unemployment pension system for emer- 
gencies, whereby masses of people fit for work were 
removed from a labor market marred by statistics. 

The unemployment pension is still intended for older 
workers who have been out of work for a long time and 
are regarded as having lost any chance of obtaining 
employment. The age limit for the unemployment pen- 
sion used to be 55 when it was most frequently used, but 
that was gradually raised to the present 60. The pension 
has not proven to be a solution to the long-term unem- 
ployment problem this time either. 

Deep Scars Visible in Europe 

An unemployment rate of 2 or 3 percent was still 
considered to be normal during the first half of the 
1970's. After the oil crisis, the unemployment rate began 
to rise and reached its peak in 1985, at which time it 

averaged 11 percent in Europe. 

Since then, unemployment has been lowered, but the 
number of long-term unemployed remains unchanged. 
Their number simply has not been reduced, even though 
Europe's economic growth has been favorable. Many 
countnes have been pursuing a cold policy predicated on 
the belief that growth will certainly allow the problem to 
solve itself, but this has not happened. 

The consequences can be seen especially in the poorest 
areas of the European Community: Spain, Greece, Italy, 
and Ireland. Unemployment is passed on from father to 
son as a legacy: It is typical for people not to have had 
any experience at all on the job market. This ts at its 
worst in Italy, where 78 percent of all long-term unem- 
ployed have never worked a day 1n their lives. 

“Central Europe’s experiences indicate that long-term 
unemployment leaves deep scars on the society. The 
poor subsistence associated with unemployment often 
leads to a situation in which before long one’s own and 
one’s descendants’ education ts neglected,” Tuire Santa- 
maki-Vuori of the Workers Economic Research Institute 
(TTT) said. 

New Law Divides Unemployed Into Classes 

At the start of this year a new employment law went into 
effect and a new executive order on employment at the 
start of February. These statutes will in future divide the 
long-term unemployed into two classes. 

25 June 1993 

The fact that the formerly obligatory job placement of 
unemployed workers is gradually coming to an end and we 
are now shifting to discretionary job placement is a funda- 
mental change. The Employment Office decides whether to 
find employment for the long-term unemployed worker, it is 
no longer obliged to arrange for him to work for six months 
if he has been unemployed for over a year. 

The change affects those who have become long-term 
unemployed since the end of last year. The Employment 
Office still has enough to keep itself busy with trying to 
find jobs for those who reached the age limit last year 
and it has no experience with discretionary job place- 
ment. Aside from this, the Helsinki Employment Office, 
for example, does not yet have appropriations for discre- 
tionary job placement. 

It 1s, however, easy to predict that discretionary placement 
will mercilessly drop those for whom [the Employment 
Office] has even a little difficulty in finding work. Under- 
standably, the Employment Office and employers do not 
want to spend time on difficult cases when there are enough 
trained people with experience waiting in line for jobs. 

“The temptation is great to help only those who are in 
the most favorable position,” University of Helsinki 
researcher Kari Vahatalo said. 

The employment law was amended because there 1s no 
money for obligatory job placement. The change may 
also be viewed as a logical extension of the tripartite 
theory the nonsocialist government has applied up to 
now: The government does not actively control employ- 
ment, instead letting employment be determined by the 
labor market. 

“This arrangement is wrong in terms of its basic philos- 
ophy. An active labor policy cannot be forgotten at a 
time when it 1s most needed,” the TTT’s Tuire Santam- 
aki-Vuort said. 

The Labor Ministry has expressed dissatisfaction in its 
own reports with the fact that the placement of long-term 
unemployed has become—if anything—a social and 
regional policy. Furthermore, both the unemployed and 
the Employment Office have come to look on subsidized 
workers as a final solution, not merely as a temporary 
interruption of unemployment. 

in Santamaki-Vuori's opinion, it 1s precisely the inter- 
ruption of unemployment that is fundamental, so that 
unemployed workers may retain at least some grip on 
their working lives. 

Tuire Santamaki-Vuori does not deny the expense the 
employment law will involve, but, according to him, it 
should be calculated in terms of a longer view than 
within the framework of a single budget. 

The administration of unemployment will cost money, 
but the expense may later prove to be a saving. Finland 
will have to bear a costly burden if, as with Europe's 
experiences, long-term unemployment ts gradually trans- 
formed into poorer competitiveness and poverty. 


Point of View: Dreams of New Jobs 

According to Labor Ministry statistics, Finland's unem- 
ployment rate was 19 percent in April. It was only three 
years ago that the unemployment rate was under 4 
percent and the number of unemployed was under 

The change in the situation in other European countries 
hit by the recession has not been as sudden but the 
questions are the same everywhere. What will the unem- 
ployment rate be if and when the economic situation 

Finland’s own experiences are not encouraging. The 
unemployment rate rose sharply during the state of 
emergency in the 1970's and it did not return to its 
previous level, even though the economy was growing at 
a record rate. 

The same thing 1s happening now. We will not go back to 
a figure of less than 100,000 for years to come; instead, 
we are rising to an entirely new level as concerns unem- 
ployment. [passage omitted] 

The promotion of part-time work in Finland is men- 
tioned, for example, in the Esko Aho (Center Party) 
government's plan for with unemployment in the near 
future. “We set ourselves the goal of seeing to it that the 
number of people working part-time by the end of 1994 
will be considerably higher than at the present time,” 
they say in the plan. 

Part-time work sounds like a modern a'‘ternative, but 
Finnish women will have to be careful to inake it work. 
The burden of part-time employment will easily fall on 
women's necks alone. 

Part-time work in Europe means specifically women’s 
part-time jobs in nursing and service occupations. 

In Finland women are used to doing a full day's work just 
like men. Even in Sweden women are more a part-time 
work force than they are in Finland. (passage omitted] 

Half of Unemployed Are Long-Term Unemployed in 
Most West European Countries 

Country 199) l nemployment Unemployed Over a 
Rate Year 
(in percent) (in percent) 

— ee _ —e ee ne 
Finland® 19 2.5 
- ———— + — —— 
Spain 18 q 
—-—__— — ——4 ~ 4 ----— —_—_- - —--———- 
Ireland 16 9.75 
————— —e -_ + = — ———EEE 
Italy 10.5 7.25 
ae ee 
France 10.2 4 
—— Saas = 
Great Britarn 10 5 
$$ —_ + —-- 4 - 4-— ———- ~ —__ _—_—_ — 
Denmark 95 ‘ 
—_—— - 4— - — — $———— 
Belgaum 7.5 48 
s - 4 — — -_ 
Greece** ? 3 


Half of Unemployed Are Long-Term Unemployed in 
| Most West European Countries (Continwed) 

Country | 4992 Unemployment | Unemployed Over a 
Rate Year 
L (in percent) (in percent) 
Finland® Bi 19 25 
Netherlands | 68 2.5 
Norway } 6 1.2 
Germany ee | - 48 2 
Sweden 48 3 
Portugal ia 4 2 
a ee + — 
Austria | 38 8 
- . — 
Swrtveriand 38 . 

* Lahor UVinistry, April 1993 

°° 1W! data 


Results of FC Copenhagen Summit Viewed 

P4\12406180093 Stockholm DAGENS NYHETER in 
Swedish 23 Jun 93 p Al2 

{Bjarne Stenquist ‘Analysis’ article: “A Few More Sol- 
diers—But No Arms} 

{Text} Copenhagen—It is generally said that no news is 
good news. This is not the case for Bosnia’s Muslims or 
for the EC’s unemployed who will soon total 20 million. 
For them it bodes ill that the press center during the EC 
summit was christened “a news-free zone.” 

Bosnian President Alya Izetbegovic has a clear message 
when he visited the summit on Monday: If the war 
continues as hitherto we will be wiped out within three 

When the heads of state and government meet for the 
next summit in Brussels at the end of December we will 
have to see whether there 1s still a Muslim state in Bosnia 
that can be discussed. The lime taken by the summit was 
more of what has led to the current situation: a few more 
soldiers for a litthe more humanitarian aid. 

As far as unemployment ts concerned, it must be said in 
the EC's favor that the question was raised for the first 
time aS a main issue at a summit. Various in-depth 
studies will now be carned out. 

But there ss still disagreement on which fundamental 
economic policy should be pursued. Must the social 
safety net that exists within the EC be dismantled in 

25 June 1993 

order to avoid permanent mass unemployment? Brit- 
ain’s John Major is prepared to answer “yes” to that 
question, while many others say “no” or are doubtful. 

The countries of Eastern and central Europe were given 
a few bits of news to chew on: a promise of membership 
at some undefined time in the future, and in the mean- 
while greatly increased political dialogue, and also a 
swifter dismantling of the EC's customs barriers against 
textiles, steel, and food—the only goods with which these 
countnes can compete. 

At the same time everyone is aware that these measures 
have about a year to take effect. If by then these 
countnes have not begun to earn enough hard currency 
to give their citizens a reasonable hope of a better future 
they will come back with new demands for better export 

It is a fact that the EC's trade surplus with these 
countries has increased since the fall of the Beriin Wall. 
Consumer goods from the EC are flooding in, while what 
the East Europeans are able to produce has levies and 
quotas imposed on it on the EC side. 

Within the EC people are afraid that if the countries of 
Eastern and central Europe are given free access to the 
ECs market what is left of the EC's steel and textile 
industries would be knocked out in a matter of years and 
the repercussions in the rural areas of France, Spain, and 
Portugal would be devastating. 

At the same time people are just as aware that in the long 
term the best thing is to open the markets, let the East 
Europeans earn enough hard currency to be able to 
modernize their industries and in doing so begin to buy 
input goods from the EC. Everyone would benefit from 
such an approach. 

So the EC is faced with the unpleasant choice of doing 
what it should to ensure political stability in Eastern 
Europe (open its markets) or what it must do to ensure 
political stability at home (keep protectionism). The EC 
is Now trying to keep itself afloat between these irrecon- 
cilable positions while waiting for better times which 
might perhaps give a little more room for maneuver. 

The EC is now trying as best it can to find answers to the 
major questions of the day, but there is a feeling of 
despondency still hanging in the air. 

When the Berlin Wall came down there was talk of a new 
world order based on fundamental human rights such as 
the equality of all human beings. This dream has been 
increasingly ground down by a grim reality and been 
replaced by a cold “realpolitik.” 

The EC's summit in Copenhagen confirms that behind 
the absence of real news there lies a tacit acceptance that 
the “realpolitik” is in the driving seat. 


f y Tuy J 13