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tv   Christopher Parker The Great White Hope  CSPAN  April 29, 2018 2:15pm-3:16pm EDT

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caucus, my reaction was, well, that shouldn't work, and couldn't work that way. you're supposed to look to the other side and get the vote he he would say that would be impossible because no one would vote with us because they're against trump, et cetera. but this notion that one party has to rule by themselves is -- brings to us some bad places. >> you can watch this and other programs online at doering. >> welcome. i'm the associate director of the bob graham center for public service and we're so glad to have you here tonight. we're very privileged to have
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professor christopher parker with us tonight, dr. parker received his ph.d from the university of chicago in 2001, and is the professor of social science and political science at the university overwears. the bulk of his research takes the behavioral approach to historical events. dr. parker is widely published with his book, "the great white hope" donald trump raced and the crisis in american politic. after the talk there is time for q & a and we'll ask you to come to the microphone because we're streaming, please turn off your cellphones and now, dr. parker. [applause] >> wow, thank you very much. that was kind of weird to hear my voice over speakers but i'll try maintain.
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so, it's go to be here, and one reason i'm so ago ier to come is because my badr buddy, dan o'neill, bun of my t.a.'s in graduate school. my favorite t. average in -- men was a grad student. so, really -- you know, yep, yep, yep. i'm old, too. okay. so, thank you for coming out. and i'm just going to get started with this. this book is a follow-on for the book that matt and i did on the tea party called "change that can't believe in," the tea party and reactionary politic nikolas united states. that become wag published in 2013 and available on amazon press for all you guys in c-span
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land. what we did in that book, we wanted to show, wanted to examine the extent to which the tea party were who they said they were. so the tea party claimed to be all about small government and i'm going to try to keep this clean because the last time was on c-span, i couldn't quite keep it clear so instayed of saying bullshit i'll say bull dukey, sew want to call bulldukey on the tea party and we did so in a social sign scientific way. we social scientists so we do survey research and quantity take it approaches because we wants to triangulate, and we found that, yes, there were some people but a small government, people on the left were talk us but they were about racism but it wasn't either one of those.
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wait as reactionary impulse and he we traced back to the know-nothing party of the 1850s, the klan of the 1920s, the john bier. society -- john birch society clear through to to tea party. one thing they all had in common was this aextortion social change. the case of the know nothing party, about rapidly immigrating folks from countries in which catholicism was a dominant religion, and 1920s about the return to the quote-unquote new negro to the united states after world war i. it was also about catholic immigrants and also but the perception of jews having dominance over capital, and also
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the increasing sexual freedom of women. and when it came to the john birch society in 1960, more about the civil rights movement. and with the tea party, it was about obama and him getting elected and everything that represented. in each case itself was a case of rapid social change. so, that was is that book was about. in this book we're looking at trump supporters because we argue the many -- one over principal reason his was elected the tea partiers were mobilize i. initially they were behind ted cruz bus he want saying what they wanted to hear, and trump came the closest, and what we showed in that book, and one thing we wanted to do in that book, we wanted to show that there was a differs i difference between establishment conservatives and reaction area
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where times and the establishment conservative don't want social change but are willing to deal with is, willing to tolerate it so long as society remains stable. now, reactionary don't want wasn't err change waiver toll go backward inside time and their group to maintain its social prestige and that's one thing we want to do in that book is say, look, there's a real difference in these camps when it comes to conservative. they're establishment time, we think more or less reagan, bob dole, more reactionar times, michelle bachmann, sarah palin, and now donald trump. so what was different about this book and the first book what we did was we just look at white people. in bike we're look at white folks who are trump supporters and also people of color. so we are capturing this
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dynamic. in the first book i was the first author so i got a whole bunch of the flak so this time matt is the first author so you guys out there in tvland, if you want to get after somebody go after the brown man, don't cam after the black man. matt's latino, not brown. so the great white hope. so, linking trump to reaction naar movements of the past, we argue the 2016 election is an extension of the know-nothing party over 19th century. demonstrate that economic anxiety and attituded about global trade dealt the pretrial conventional wisdom had nothing do with motivating core voters. that is one thing we wanted to disspell because a lot of people think that, oh, all about economic anxiety and working class whites. bulldukey and we shot that it
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empirically. we show this empirically, not just out of a hat, and it ones -- flies the face of a lot of the conventional wisdom, including our colleagues like arley at berkeley, katherine kramer who is at the university of wisconsin, who wrote a book called the poll sicks of resentment and, oh, yeah, how can i forgetter. j.d. vans, so it's not to say that economic anxiety has nothing do with bus here's the thing. how can be account for long about 40% of college educated whites voting for trump? i don't think you can tell me, convince anybody that these people are economically anxious, right? in the same way working class whites are supposed to be. so one of the rumors or one of the conventional wisdoms we want
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could disspell with argue that trumps rise was fueled by sense of existential threat, the belief that real american culture is under siege. siege mentality. americans -- the real americans -- i'll put air quotes -- real americans, the america that they've come to know and love, is changing too fast and is going away and they'll do anything to retain that. so, when i gave this talk at bates college, in maine, and i didn't realize there war so many tea party people in maine. i inside idea so i was an audience of 200 and 20 hover tell were tea partiers. you can see it on c-span. somebody said, one guy said, well, only real americans should be allowed to vote. we're talking native americans? who are we talking about in what
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is a real american? didn't really want to answer that question. from the tea feature trump. the tea party did not espouse main stream conservative principles but motivated by a execs existential threat. how can you explain college educate whites vote it for trump or supported the tea party. this it not about material threats. this is symbolic threat that their culture is changing to fast interior liking. it is now well established that tea party sympathizer's mostly motivate by at the threat to their stat statues and changing america and what obama represented. right? think about what the president of the united states reps the in country. aren't of the united states is a commander in chief. chief law enforcement officer.
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the face of the country abroad, the government at home. flight it has immense symbolic importance, and so what we argue is that that was just too much, and i'm just going to go there -- just too much for some white folks to take. too much for tea partier, to much for men supporters. i'm not making a categorical assertion that all trump supporters racist or sexist or homophobic but i will say probably, yeah, they are. i'm sorry -- i'm glad i'm in gainesville doing this. all right. we think that is a great argument and we're going to take that theory and run with it. so this is once again the refer treasons change that it can't believe in -- reference to change they can't believe. in what led to the republican vote
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for trump. the tea parties were concerned with ex-send shall threat but when trumps is upset about immigration, he is not underasset butted ans or europeans coming here. he's upset about folks from countries where folks are like brown, and darker. we argue that this threat has been do demographic anxiety and not economic anxiety. tea parties were not motivate by mitt romney but did no go away. the threat just festers for four more years. trump effectively communicated in and legitimizes democratic anxiety above all else. he the belief that real american culture is under siege. so here's the conventional wisdom. economic anxiety.
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economic anxiety, even when it comes to democrats, and q & a if you want to talk about the democratic party i have opinions on that, too. so what motivated the trump win? this is my favorite part. let me say this. not blaming matt but matt put this together so here you go. look at this. u.s.a., white homeland, can you see that up sneer right there? okay. i got other another one. there you go. yeah. good old trump with the stars and bars. yep. all right. this is really good right here. watch this. trump calls me american. what motivated the trump wing? we have more. now we get to the immigration part.
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here, this save our country, close outer border, defeat amnesty, next get the hell out of my country. not done. any real muslim is a jihaddist. i won't say that. yeah. support and defend our troops from islamic savages. refugees out. awe muslim are terrorists, deport them all. one more. black lives don't heart and neither do your votes. make america white again. build the wall, deport them all, mexico will pay. oh, yeah, here we go. i won't even say that but look at this. look at this right here. look at all this stuff right here. yeah.
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that's essentially what we find empirically. trump nation, whites only. here's our approach. we're social scientistsand we ue a lot of statistics. this is actual evidence. might get a little too statistically-y. but i will brick it down for you. -- break it down for you. first look at predictors of trump support. and then we're going to look at model of political participation
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we tried to get at the cultural threat we are talking about. this is the beginning of the question. some people say that the following things are important to being truly american. how do you think, how important is this? if you agree with them, you will say yes. to have been born in united states. how many say yes? how many say no? okay, no? okay. [laughter] true american identity. to have american ancestry? no, okay. okay. to be able to speak english? okay. [laughter] follow america's customs and traditions?
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how many say yes? how many say no? okay, half and half. this is good!i like this, i like this. this is good, this is good. okay so -- and this is the last one because then we have the country would be great if we honor the ways of our forefathers. do it or 30,000 and get rid of rotten apples ruining everything. what you think about that? no? [laughter] all right. and then you have what is called a thermometer. basically, it measures aspect. whether or not you like or dislike what is called an inanimate object. or a noun. a person, place or thing. do you remember that? i know that millennialist --
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how do you feel about this particular case, the tea party? it is something to do, we can help measure how people feel about donald trump ultimately. and 1 to 100. if you are like 99, you would love whatever the object is. okay. we get to honor our forefathers. it gets tricky here. right? i will break it down. this is what, we have all of these variables. we are trying to predict with donald trump. we have all these things that we believe is former influence, support for trump. we have the tea party, the true
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american index to honor our forefathers, ideology which is liberal or conservative. maybe not whether or not your democrat or republican or independent. and these are the caves right here. these are key, the first three. and whether or not you're worried about the economy, right? that is the economic anxiety. right? this is what we find. if you feel really warm towards the tea party, increases the ability to 24 percent that you support trump. if you believe in the index i asked you whether or not the attributes are really american, if you agree with those it increases the probability by 50 percent you support trump. on our forefathers. it increases the probability by 10 and a half percentage points. ideology. if you're conservative.
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about 35 percent. if you are republican it increases probably they support donald trump by 70 percentage points. worried about the economy? it has no effect. let me tell you why. we see this line, this axis right here. anyone of these bars that cross the line here, it's equal to zero. zero effects. i'm going to run through these. what about small government right? no effect. do you pay attention to politics and increases profitability by 13 percent. more traditionalism, it increases by 10 percent. racism increases support for trump by 17 percent. authoritarianism, nothing. -- 10 percent, sexism? sexism increases supporting
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trump by 15 percent. ethnocentrism, a sense of that you love whatever your group is. increases the probability, increases it by 24 percent. the older you get, the less likely you are, know that is wrong. the more likely you are to support trump. this is in a different direction. others are less important here born again christian, nothing, income, nothing. church attendance, nothing. the predictors of support for trump, the whole economic anxiety thing here, worried about the economy, right? racism, it scores big. other items appear score big as well. it is where we hypothesize it will be most of the heavy lifting. look at this.
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conventional wisdom, small government and worried about the economy. right? nothing. okay. now, this is the people -- we have a survey and we surveyed people of color. right? the black, latino, asians and muslim community. it is doing an opposite effect. that is the dynamic i was telling you about. right? this book will look at the dynamic. and after credit not for that because he insisted on that. so this is what we do. donald trump represents immaterial dance and follow threat to people of color. so theoretically from what we have hypothesized, for people of color, it is a symbolic -- black people, and when trump had this commission initially to look at and re-examine the
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vote. for black people, we fought and died for the right to vote. not only is it a material effect that it permits us to have our voices heard but it is important symbolically. the same for latinos. when you come to the issue of immigration affects them symbolically. it gives them a sense of if they want undocumented. i refuse to call them illegal immigrants. right? must must refuse to use that term. we prefer undocumented. so what happens is, it gives them a sense, this was a country of immigrants. as a sunbelt affected also a very material effect as well essentially because what if one of the breadwinners in your house is deported? is it material effect as well. okay.
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even after all these other things. ideology and racial attitudes we perceive racism to be associated with trump opposition and is precisely what we find. so, blacks face discrimination, latinos face discrimination, minorities need to adapt. these are all predictors of opposition in trump. partisanship, it is a really strong predictor.if your democrat increases probability that you will reject trump or not support him. let's continue with this. this was data i was telling you about. racism is a major problem, experiences discrimination, society is not respect people of color. all in opposition to trump. here, ideology is a really
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strong predictor. liberal, opposition to trump. party id predicts opposition to trump. this is interesting. check this one out. in this one, this reads, we looking at these predicted probabilities broken down by race. right? instead of looking at this one with all of the races together, this only separate them out. if we look at this, we say okay, these are minimum and maximum values. bottom line is, if you look at this chart, it will be difficult to interpret this one is a lot easier here. you get these slopes and intercepts. so this is for black people. that slope, it is significant but not as steep for asian americans. what it says is we combined all these racism values and he said okay, we have to separate these out by race and look at the predicted probabilities. all of the effects are highly significant. and the steeper the slope, the
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more meaningful defect. right? and it is significant for all levels. but what this says is, right here, if we look at this axis here. the y access, they are more opposed to trump than any other racial group. so here you have the minimum feeling of racism, the maximum feeling of racism right here. blacks already start off pretty high. an extended type it latinos to start off lower and asian americans start off even lower than that. as we work across this sense of racism, look at the slopes here, right? it decreases dramatically. what that says is the more color, if you like they are not welcome in this country. the more racism, the more likely they're going to oppose trump.
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we're going to look at political, we just looked at what people feel about trump? now we look at the extent to which he motivates the sense of political participation.trump supporters and people of color that reject him. we know that all of this stuff, let's get to the results. look at these. we have different modes of political participation. everything from whether or not you voted to whether or not you donated money all the way down to whether or not you boycotted. we look at these gray lines in the middle here, as long as they are on the right side of the right axis, it means it tells us something important. right? if we look at this, trump really motivates supporters to get out. all of these domains in political participation.
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right? all the way up into including boycotting a company. people of color, it does essentially the same thing! he is motivating people, the right people who are trump supporters and also people of color to get out as well who oppose him. if we really want to look at this more graphic form, with this tells us, we have the trump thermometer. here in this column on the y axis is the probability of getting out and voting for participating in politics. when we do, we combine all of those items with participation into one. you can press them all into one composite measure and we look at this in a more general way. what we see is, the warmer white people are on his thermometer the more likely they are to engage in politics. the warmer people of color on the thermometer, the less
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likely they are to participate in, let me sum this up. black, latinos and asians are highly unfavorable to trump of more likely to -- support black lives matter and a desire to work with other minorities. blacks and latinos and asians highly unfavorable toward him are also more likely to support black support for latino representative, latina support for black representatives, black belief that immigrants in rich american and latino -- implications of next steps how do we arrive at this point? it's essential threat, how long will this last? a short-term phenomenon we
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believe this will continue through 2020 and beyond. experiments and qualitative research needed to further isolated mechanisms. we have these quantitative supplements our focus group stuff that allow us to really directly look at this measuring an existential threat. the focus group operation, all across the country matt had groups of whites and people of color and so, for the most part you had white folks that were trump supporters. we are mainly talking about the sense of america changing too fast, we feel nervous, lethal anxious. for people of color, it was a sense that trump was a racist. and america was going backwards in time. right? going backwards in time means something totally different for
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whites who are trump supporters and people of color. going backwards in time for white is a good thing. for people of color it is not a good thing. okay, so that is it. thank you for your time and your patience. [applause] >> who wants to ask the first question? >> just a couple of days ago i read something that sent about 80 percent evangelists voted for trump. i'm trying to understand that. this is the same group is by and large also who voted for obama twice. how do you explain that? is quite the change. >> that's a good question. what i want to show you is, let's get to let's get to
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rights. born-again christian, evangelicals.if you look at this, nothing. let me tell you why, the voted for him no question about that. when you put this in a model empirically and you test these, what happens if you have to account for all of these other factors in this model. and so what happens is that because we include some of these other things like racism and more traditionalism even these things, i would imagine, the true american index and our forefathers, is to say that they really are tightly related. when you put these in model reduces it to nothing. so what happens is what you guys were often seen on cnn, fox or whatever you watch, it
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is generally what across calculations. what they call descriptive that to six. there descriptive because there's no theory behind them. and all they are doing, they're making these simple one-on-one relationships. and when you start adding these other factors and that are actually more -- have to take into account these other things. if you're looking at the relationship between evangelicalism and support for donald trump were voting for him, as social scientists we have to say, what are some of the other factors that might make part of this relationship? because we want to really understand how these things are working together. we have to understand how these other things might impact this relationship between evangelicalism and support for donald trump. that is what this essentially is. and once you account for these other factors, such as part of
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this -- evangelicals completely drop out. when you are getting when you were watching whatever news you are watching or consuming your getting a very simple demonstration of the data. ultimately it has no impact. >> so that current headlines would be potential within a trade war clearly, china is targeting trump voters with tariffs. if it is not anxiety, will not have any effect? >> okay, that's a really good question. it depends on the level of analysis in which we are working. we are working with individual
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level here. individual level of analysis, right? if we're looking at a more macro economic level i read some papers that show that areas that were hit hardest by trade, they have increased support for donald trump. i do believe that. we are not differences in levels of analysis, that is -- we're talking about levels of analysis and i'm talking about -- distant show indifference and are indicated indifference of the applicant level and individual level. you could have different results. so matt and i may stick with individual analysis but we are suggesting could very well be true. i read some of the papers that show that. that places that -- the outsourcing and trade effect most, they are deftly more
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supportive of trump and also more authoritarian, if you will. >> my question, will the support for donald trump change? no, it won't! today is april 5. i'm telling you right now it won't. let me tell you why. because i will say this, the guy here with the relationship between evangelical and support, let's just say i strip this all away. and say that okay let's say that in some actual that relationship actually holds what you're modeling. so that when i was say, maybe perhaps the people that are evangelical to support -- are given all of this. it could be the fact that maybe
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they are, maybe they just wanted a neil gorsuch on the supreme court. maybe that is why they did that. so it could be a single issue thing. but to answer, you guys are saying your names so i don't know what to call you. but, i will say that it will remain behind trump because he is the last thing between them and the america that they fear. the last thing. he somehow got out of the draft i don't know but yes, they will stick with him through hell or high water. because of what he symbolizes. so one would think that they should start doing this but they are not. and if i'm wrong, you know i am. you know my email address. or you can get the actuator.
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if i'm wrong, tell me i'm wrong. but i know that i'm not. >> so, taking into account this information that you presented today, i would like to ask what you think the implications are for the future of the democratic party in the united states and on that, the implications for the movement on the left in general in the united states. >> not that old, i still remember. democratic party is a mess! it is an unmitigated mess! you have at least a couple of factions. you have infection which is all about -- and more identity politics which is about race and gender. and until they figure that out, -- i don't know if you hold
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bozo the clown is but i guess bozo -- anyway, so this guy, your president. i refuse to call him my president. he is going to win again because democrats are divided. who is going to run? what will be the platform? it is a real mess right now. to figure out where they're going to go. it will be really hard to get these two wings of the party to come together. the more radical wing of the party once to go younger and maybe some a little bit more identity direction and your folks are little older. think about elizabeth warren, is not clear she is going to run. it is unclear if bernie is going to one really. in an episode he did or said allegedly yesterday. there's something in this paper in which he sort of made some jabs at obama basically send
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the democratic party has lost a ton of unprecedented number of legislations in the last 15 years which is true. that is very very true. and if you have an explanation for that. i do think that the fact that obama got elected for a minute it seemed like there was this sort of kumbaya moment when he came to the race. it didn't last too long but a lot of people bought that. and the data suggested racial issues or even worse since obama got elected. bottom line is, if we don't have bush we do not get obama. if we don't obama we don't get donald trump. these are all massive course corrections. but to answer your question, i think the democrats need to figure out what direction they want to go in. a younger more radical direction or they want to stay more in the middle when the clinton camp was? hopefully the strategy was
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about triangulation.think about what clinton did. clinton was not a reformer. clinton didn't really run to the left it was not progressive at all. obama really think about it was progressive. 100 percent real. he did not. so the democratic party is in a lot of trouble right now. one thing the democrats need to do they need to get more backbone. they need to get some backbone. i mean think about republicans have been able to do, republicans on the regular all the time, just all the time, let me tell you why republicans are so good that. republicans generally run on negative aspects. fear, anger and anxiety. that is what gets people out. hits him in the gut. they have to think about -- what about this policy or that policy? you cannot get them omitting in the same direction.
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when they really respect as they would have their flight and at the end of the day they line up and they marched. you have to respect that. even if you don't agree with the politics. >> yes. >> hello, my question for you, you talk a little bit about how the right and republican party really good organizing and think one of the reasons for that is they don't care about into sexuality. they just don't care about that. i think that is why it is so hard to mobilize the left. i was wondering what are your thoughts on just really addressing people of color and mobilizing that area of people. i mean asian americans have a letter leanings, i am filipino american and i have several family members have voted for trump don't really want to be involved in politics. i am wondering, how do you see that coalition manifesting in
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the next couple of years? we cannot be organized by these people and i think why we are so well organized because i mean, they just beat unclear. so what can our counter strategy be? >> that's a good question. thank you. this is what i think. if you look at the data that i just presented, attentive went through fast because i wanted to give -- get to q&a. with people of color, they have a sense of existential threat that is both symbolic and material, they mobilize because the feeling there is something to lose. and so, here's another example. when obama ran in 2012, the turnout for him nationally, i think around about 67 percent.
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the highest it has ever been part of that was 2008 where 664 65 percent. prior to that, the largest black turnout was in 1964 when it was about 54 percent, right? think about what would happen and 64. we had the high watermark. when johnson against goldwater. black folks had something to lose. with obama there was something to gain. fast-forward to the special election in alabama last year. whatever the name was. i mean, the stuff he said that america was better when there was slavery, he was running around i mean just crazy. but, among black folks turnout was 89 percent. 89 percent! they voted above and beyond
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what their representation is and what their numbers are. so what that tells us, black folks were really scared. right? they were upset, they were concerned. so they got out. what i'm suggesting here is that we show this in the data the more color were scared, the more they mobilized. and simulations will run in the book, mom is that if you change the turn of the people of color in 2016 by just .78 percentage points, in wisconsin, ohio, michigan. not even a whole percentage point. if you increase people of color by 1 and a half percentage points, she wins the state. we talk about people, not whites. just people of color. the issue is, one question would be, if people of color, if you show the -- one of the
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things i did not show was over probability and turnout for people of color. the more people of color feared donald trump that increase the probability of them turning out by 54 percentage points. some people would say, have them she did not win? because not many people document threat. that was the problem. and then beyond that, hillary with the super predator thing years ago coming out with all lives matter. no. right? they did not really want to vote for her. why go out and vote? to answer your question, i think people of color need to fill is there something to lose. a real tangibility of us rolling backwards in time. to the 1950s, 1940s. where we all, people of color near our place. people who have alternative, or
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different sexual preferences they stayed in the closet. women knew their place, right? so what amazes me, maybe some post and explain this to me. that more and more, 53 percent of college educated white women in alabama, can someone help me understand this. i'm serious, i am really serious. somebody help a brother out. [laughter] okay. any other questions? >> hello. to follow up what you're saying how in the previous question you talk about how the public lands on fear and that is toxic but then the question with they were not fair enough. >> not republicans. look color. >> yes. so how do we move away from
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that and get people to care about adopting republican scare tactics? that's a very good question. i don't care how you get out of this but running on fear and anger, let's do that. let's just get out of this. let's just get out of this guys presidency alive. without a nuclear holocaust. first of all, democrats need to be more pragmatic. it is one thing republicans are, for the most part, they very pragmatic. and fear, anger and anxiety, that is a very pragmatic way of approaching this. democrats want to run on hope and positive aspects. hope, pride, this will great things but like right now it is like not working. think about. hillary, part of it was what
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was it, to go forward which is positive but it was a really going after donald trump in other ways. so it wasn't consistent at all. like what you had to be positive about as progressives? what would a positive message look like? if you want to make it all about class, this is the sticking point when it comes to progressive. the mistake if you ask me, you're not asking but i will assume that you want to know. he reduced everything to class. he reduced everything to class. race was an afterthought. and so, for people of color, speaking for myself and other people that i know, race is our primary identity. you will have multiple identities. right? but race is our primary
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identity. so you know i am a black man, i do pretty well but people still see me as a black man first. not a black professor, educator. no, they see me as a black man first. and i get treated as such which as you might imagine is not all that great all the time. so that is the identity with which i will identify merrily. not the class thing but then i wouldn't get the treatment that i often get. and there i said it happens to a lot of other people of color in the same position. so, class is not going to work for us. think about it like this. historically. populist party, don't even get me started on that. the way the populace is just getting just -- just slandered these days. was happening, what's happening in europe is not populace. i have a whole paper on that. i cannot stand it. but right now, let's think
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about -- in the late 19th century. there was supposed to be a class based party. it was supposed to be, you had black folks and white folks. regardless of race. that was about to work right? because democrats came in and they came in and they played the race card. then they had a chance to make some noise, the populace did. next time, fdr, basically class. guess who got ran out of the new deal? black people.why? because we primarily farmers, and domestics. they were not covered under social security.
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so, whenever, whenever way. on talking about class stuff we get really worried about it. now in theory it should work as race and class are tightly linked. the main reason why people of color in the class phase we are is because of our race. when you think about it in reality, it is often different. the way that our experience is worth, in fact, we primarily operate based on racial identity. not to say that you don't ever operate in class identity but primarily racial identities. and it is all about context for united states racial identity. you go to your, you are an american. youth united states you are black or asian or latino or whatever the current favorite terminus. so yes, i think that i just, i think that class theory should
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work but i think the race thing will always come in their and drive a wedge in it. >> i was wondering on your opinions of whether or not democratic party being to progressive by having yet another minority as a means candidate instead of a regular old white dude? [laughter] okay. while -- i'm trying not to take the bait on that. so, i think that another white dude. think about what the -- mean come on, honey shots at this is a white guy going to get on! so, i mean -- i think the democrats would have a shot if they ran you know, a woman of color or just a woman.
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right? another person of color. i think that might help because of the -- personal it will energize people of color and second of all, it will energize you guys, students. you live in a far more diverse society than those of us in my generation and older. it will energize you as well. right? like this was, i think learning another you know old white man, even a younger white dude, i don't think i just really don't think that will do it. it is more of the same and it is going to be more like you know, is just more of the same! right? we are really fractured right now. and i think that we need something to shake things up. and i'm going to ask you this is students. we want to see another white man? right? i don't know. my students would want to see
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that. so i'm assuming that you would not either. and people of color, we damn sure do not want to see that again. we need something that will energize, the left if you will. and another right man, and so it is not going to do it. i know it can be to progressive it can be in the sense of policy positions. right? that is another way of thinking about being too progressive. precollege, great! they have been doing and your for a long time for that would be hard to happen here. so i think that might be a bridge too far. right? so few to make that claim and say what about precollege thing that i would say maybe it's a little too progressive but in terms of demographic profile of the candidate, you know, i think the more progressive, the better!>> i didn't want to
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ask a question but i'm chris, i am in the department of political science. >> my name is chris too. [laughter] >> we talked about the feelings of the democratic party. i thought a lot about this with some of the people in my department. what we fail to knowledge is the fact that even though we have to win the presidency by the electoral college, and hillary clinton won the practical in any election in american history. so, that student republicans having a better strategy or on the fear of conservatives and change in ideology in america? >> well, i'm not sure ideology has changed. to give a split on the right and on the left but i take the
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question. it is a structural thing. the electoral college set that was all states can have more or less equal saying the outcome. and so, if the argument is that if we get rid of that, would that be, so the question you're asking is, with a good thing? positively or like -- [laughter] thank you gail. >> is just a matter republicans having a better strategy for the past election rather than looking at the pitfalls of hillary she was aggressive enough for -- >> think about is that's a good question. think about this though. so, you know, democrats won michigan with some regularity, right? they won wisconsin with some
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regularity, right? you know we have a hard-core -- so, in that case it was not about the electoral college in the sense that democrats normally win those issues that you did not get enough turnout. so i just think in this particular case, i think this was not a great candidate! she did not aspire a whole lot of passion from everybody. and so i think that if you had a better candidate, if you will, blows asked me, what if bernie had got the nomination? i would say bernie got the nomination i think democrats still would have lost. i think fewer people would have turned out. are we done? [laughter] i guess we are done people. [applause] >> thank you for coming. i'm sure you will be happy to continue to talk with you.
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>> yes, if you want to run up and talk to me that is fine. do not forget about me. [laughter] >> booktv is on twitter and facebook. want to hear from you. tweet us. or post a comment on our facebook page, you are watching booktv on c-span2. television for serious readers. here's our primetime lineup. at 7:30 pm eastern, journalist ben austin reports on public housing in america. retracing the developments and 2011 demolition of chicago's green housing project. which at one time provided public housing to nearly a thousand people. then at 9:00 on booktv "after
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words" journalist ronald kessler reports on the trump administration and the inner workings of the white house. at 10:00 a discussion on the 20th anniversary of public affairs featuring the founder, peter -- as well as other authors. and we wrap up our primetime programming at 11 pm with political strategist, mark penn. he shares his thoughts on trends and politics. that is all tonight on booktv on c-span2. television for serious readers. >> thank you for being here. i'm a fellow here. i am really exci


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